Phote-Lithoaraph of Ftiqe 64ofAhduZla£ manuscript,
Two thirds tJu seals nt'tfie Oriamal
TRANSLATIONS FROM THE
HAKAYIT ABDULLA
(BIN ABDULKADAR),
MUNSH1.
WITH COMMENTS BT
J. T. THOMSON, F.R.G.S.,
AVTHOK OF "SOME GLIMPSES INTO LIFE I.N THE FAR EAST," ETC., ETC.
Hexry S. King & Co.,
65 CORNHILL, AND 12 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
1874.
{All rights renewed).
In compliance with currenl
copyright law, LBS Archival
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1988
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PREFACE
One who writes an autobiography yields his spirit for
consideration and study by his fellow-men or by the
world. That a native of the Far East should have
done this is certainly, as far as my information goes,
a signal event, as I can call to memory only such
another case, viz., "The Memoirs of a Malay Family,"
translated by Marsden. Casting my memory thirty-
five years back, this was a melancholy tale. The
present memoirs, on the contrary, will show the vigor-
ous and lively representation of personal feelings and
opinions, as well as acute observations on men, manners,
and cotemporary events.
In bringing the following translations before the
public, I am moved by several inducements. In the
first place, the Autobiographer himself, when in life,
asked me to translate his writings; this was in the
year 1846, but I was too much engaged in business
to permit of the attempt. At the same time this is to
o 3
513316
LIB SETS
VI PREFACE.
be regretted, as I could then have done more justice to
the task than now, having had to undertake the work
after eighteen years' absence from Singapore, and
without the assistance of a munshi, or native scholar.
Still, as an offset to this, if I can bring less familiar
acquaintance with the ideology of the language, I can
bring more experience of influences outside, which
have to be considered in remarking on many of the
topics.
In the second place, I have had an ever-recurring
interest in the scenes and countries among which the
Autobiographer recounts his experiences, and I warmed
to the subject on taking up and perusing the long-
neglected manuscript * which I obtained from the
Autobiographer himself. In the third place, the topics
are connected with that period when English valour
and statesmanship won the prize of Insular India, an
Island Empire of twenty millions of inhabitants : so
the transactions cannot have lost their interest. As
the Autobiographer was in close connection with one
of the leading actors in the achievements, and saw
many others, his remarks (the remarks, be it reiterated,
of a native) on their familiar conversations in un-
* I understand that it has also been printed in Malay letters. The
language used by the Autobiographer is Malay, and the writing Jawi ;
that is, what may be called mixed characcer, founded on, or rather
being essentially Arabic.
PREFACE. Vll
restrained moments, and daily doings, picture them
more interestingly than can be found in grave history.
It is an erroneous assumption in Europeans to think
that their actions are not critically canvassed by the
natives of India, the contrary being the case, an example
in proof of which will be seen in the following pag< - ;
indeed, their actions are closely watched, and too often
unfavourably criticised and misrepresented. This results
from mutual misunderstanding, — a state of matters
hitherto unavoidable, whatever the future may bring
forth.
Lastly, the translations will show how unfeigned and
unfailing esteem may be generated in the native mind
by just conduct and refined manners. It would be sur-
prising if contrary bearing did not create the opposite
feelings, hurtful to British moral and material ascend-
ancy. Further, the opinions and views expressed by
an intelligent and well-disposed native, such as Abdulla,
on events passing among his fellow-countrymen, give
an insight into their motives, prejudices, partialities,
hatreds, superstitions, and other impulses, from a
qualified source, and this in a manner never to be
thoroughly attained by an European.
It will be observed that, as the Autobiographer's point
of view is different to that of an European, many
subjects are painted in new colours, and sometimes, as
Y111 PREFACE.
between nationalities, with naive impartiality. This
has suggested to me a course of observations in my
comments, which will I hope be found useful if not
entertaining.
Portions of the work have already been translated by
Mr. Braddell (now iUtorney-General for the Straits'
Settlements), viz., Abdulla's schooling, Colonel Far-
quhar's seeking for a settlement, and the Tan Tae Hoey
which appeared in the Journal of the Indian Archi-
pelago, 1852 ; and by myself, viz., Abdulla's family,
Christian missionaries, and Malay Governments, which
appeared in a work termed " Some Glimpses into Life
in the Far East," published in London in 18G3. The
above are not reproduced here, but they, as well as the
remaining untranslated portions, will be shortly noticed.
The Translator.
Otago, New Zealand,
3rd December, 1873.
CONTENTS.
TRANSLATION. SUBJECT. PAGE
I. Abdulla's Introduction and Apology ... ... ... 1
II. His Mother's Pride and Father's Satisfaction ... ... 9
III. Description of Malacca Fort, and its Demolition ... 14
IV. An Elephant Hunt 27
V. Character of Colonel Farquhar ... ... ... ... 37
VI. A Scamp 40
VII. Mr., afterwards Sir T. Stamford Raffles 45
VIII. The Java Expedition. — Lord Minto and the Tuanku ... 59
IX. The Dutch Repossess Malacca ... ... ... ... 96
X. An Active Town. Major ... ... ... ... ... 114
XL The Singapore Inscription ... ... ... ... ... 122
XII. An Amok 126
XIII. On Wearing Weapons 135
XIV. Raffles Founding the Singapore Instituto ... ... 137
XV. The Slave Trade 147
XVI. Raffles and the King of Siam 165
XVII. Raffles and the Gambling Farm ... ... ... ... 171
XVIII. Departure of Sir S. Raffles 173
XIX. Departure of Colonel Farquhar ... 186
XX. John Crawfurd, Esq., F.R.S 191
XXI. Wonders of English Surgery ... ... ... ... 193
X CONTEXTS.
TRANSLATION. SLliJECT. PAC.E
XXII. Treaty of Singapore 200
XXIII. Flight of the Harem 206
XXIV. Christian Chapel versus Chinese Joss House ... ... 210
XXV. Steam Vessels first heard of ... ... ... ... 216
XXVI. The Doctrine of Free Will 221
XXVII. The Friendly Lieutenant 225
XXVIU. The Great Fire 228
XXIX. English Justice 2,32
XXX. Abdnlla's Estimate of the New Missionaries .. ... 235
XXXI. Captain Newbold 243
XXXII. The Nanning War 258
XXXIII. Native Princes 267
XXXIV. Mr. Alfred North 278
XXXV. Perturbations of the Natives about the English Church 285
XXXVI. His Daughter's Death 292
XXXVII. American Missionaries. — Voyage to Tringanu. — Loss of
his Wife.— Bible Translations, etc 296
Translator's Concluding Remarks 322
APPENDICES.
I. Translation of Frontispiece ... ... ... ... ... 337
II. Frontispiece in Roman Letters ... ... ... ... ... 339
III. Malay Spelling 341
IV. Extracts from the Koran ... ... ... ... ... ... 341
DIRECTIONS FOR PRONOUNCING MALAY WORDS.
Sound a as in father.
e ,, faith.
i „ feel.
o ,, sole.
n ,, blue
By putting double consonants after the following, the
sounds will be thus : —
e as in fell. \ In the last syllable,
■I fill. by terminating with
o „ sodden. h, the same sounds
u „ sudden. ) are indicated.
The following double letters are sounded thus : —
aw as in awe.
ai ,, be.
au „ thou.
eu „ yew.
ei „ sight.
er ,, inner.
Sound g hard always, and k soft in terminations only. The
sign - is put over syllables of unusual length. The authorized
orthography of well-known words is not altered, as Malacca,
Macassar, Bencoolen, etc.
ERRATA
Page 2'.!, line 28, for " after words " read "afterwards."
Page 28, line 6, for " to," at the end of the line, read "and."
HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
ABDUL-LA'S INTRODUCTION AND APOLOGY.
"In the name of God the Compassionate and the Mer-
ciful !
It came to pass about the year of the Hejira 125G,
on the fifth day of the month Shaaban Almakram, viz.,
on the second day of the month of October, 1840, that
at that time an intimate friend of mine* kept constantly
pressing me to let him know nry origin, the nature
of my history, as "well as the whole circumstances of
my life, which he suggested should be written in a book
composed in the Malay language.
Now because of this I became so much concerned
that I sat ruminating over this desire of my friend, as
all the events of my life, with their concomitants, had
gone by with their age. Furthermore, I became loaded
with anxiety at the thoughts of my being only a simple
person, whose understanding and experience in the
* It is believed the Rev. Alfred North.
B
2 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
science of language was imperfect, and whose pro-
ficiency in this sort of composition was limited ; besides,
my position in the course of my daily avocation was one
of ups and downs. Thus, while I considered all these
things I was ill at ease in heart.
Then I said to myself, Let me examine myself on what
I have heard and seen, especially as other people in this
age generally are not backward in putting themselves
forth as clever ; while as to their talk, it is enormously
big, in order that folks may believe in their cleverness ;
but their talk is all empty air. For when people ask
them to do anything, whether it be in composition, in
writing, or explaining language, to a certainty they are
found wanting : for this reason, that all their tall talk
is not based on training, but on hearsay by the way-
side. Thus they neither know the ins nor the outs of it.*
Furthermore, there are many people who are helpless,
as gold dealers are without their touchstone in their
hands, when they listen to the ' spoutings ' of people of
this description. Is their conduct not like the person
stumbling at the pushing of a pillow while sound asleep.
Thus they regard them without testing them, one way
or another ; just as a feather standing erect in their idea
is a pole of wood of good stuff, straight, with no bends in
it, so, as a matter of course, they think it must have
weight in it. Now this is the reckoning of a man who,
seeing a nice doll, halves it first to see into it, but finds
it empty. Nevertheless, as says the critic, of course the
jeweller knows the precious stone, and more especially
in this age of wonders, wherein the wilderness is made
into a town, the quarry into a vulture, the bug into a
tortoise, and the worm into a dragon !
In the first place, all these miracles come of riches ;
for even if one be low and ignorant to the last degree,
* Abdulla was a teacher himself.
abdulla's introduction and apology. 6
yet if lie have riches he is, as a matter of course, clever
and mighty ; hut if he he clever and mighty, hut not
wealthy, as a matter of course he is low agam.
Moreover, all my sayings, my circumstances, and the
like, I take by way of prototype of myself. In the first
place, the lowness of my existence ; secondly, the poor
manner of making my living ; thirdly, my want of know-
ledge and experience ; and fourthly, it is not in me that
rests the work of composition, and certainly neither have
I the power or the direction, but this is of God alone.
And further, on no account will I conceal my own
backslidings and omissions at their times and periods.
After I had considered all the above, it suddenly
occurred to me as if I had been startled by a person from
my sleep, when I instantly answered him thus: If they
think you are lowly, ask of those who are mighty ; if you
are poor, ask of those who are rich ; and if you are in-
experienced, ask of the Lord, who has promised that He
will give to those who ask of Him. And if you thus
believe in His providence, by the blessing of the
Almighty, so I pray for assistance (as far as it can be
vouchsafed) to that Lord who created the mighty sky,
and who upholds it without props, that He may allow
me to accomplish the wish of my friends. And if
it rest not on me to do this, yet do I place my entire
trust in Him to permit me to enter on this smaU
undertaking. .
There ! now hear me, 0 my friends. As I compose this
work on myself, so I shall call it the 'Hakayit, or Auto-
biography of Abdulla ' ; and there will be jottings m it up
to the times to which I have lived, and back to the period
of my birth in Malacca, relating to things that I have
seen or have heard of ,— including every particular of the
occurrences in the country of Malacca or Singapore—
these shall be noticed by me till the period of completing
HAKATIT ABDULLA.
the book. But in the relation no doubt there will be
found many mistakes, lapses, and things forgotten, both
in style and narrative, as well as in junction of the
letters, or in the entanglement of words.
Now may I bow my head before the European and
native gentlemen who take the trouble to read my story,
so as properly to have acquaintance therewith ; and as
thus at the very beginning of my book I have acknow-
ledged my deficiencies and ignorance, I all the more
heartily and willingly ask pardon and forgiveness ; and
I further state that it has no claim to the name of being
a clever one, but, on the contrary, is full of stupidities
and errors in every time and period."*
Note by Translator.
The autobiographer, Abdulla bin Abdulkadar, munshi,
was a Mahomedan and a British subject, having been
born in Malacca in the year 1797, which date is derived
from information given near the end of the manuscript,
wherein he states that in the year 1843 he was forty-six
years of age. He was the son of Abdulkadar and his
wife Salama, both of Malacca, which Abdulkadar was
the son of Mahomed Abraim, of Nagore, South India,
and his wife Perbagi, of Malacca, and Mahomed
Abraim was the son of Abdulkadar, an Arab of Yemen.
Thus Abdulla was of mixed race, three removes from the
Arab. He would have been called Inchi or Mr. amongst
his countrymen, had he not earned the designation of
Padre, or Father, by his close connection with the
Protestant missionaries. In physiognomy he was a
* This has the same -weight as " Tour obedient humble servant " at
the end of an English letter.
AJ3DULLA'S eahly life. o
Tamilian of South Hindostan. He was tall, slightly bent
forward, spare, energetic, bronze in complexion, oval
faced, high nosed, and one eye squinted a little outwards.
He dressed in the usual style of Malacca Klings or
Tamils, having an Acheen saluar (trowsers), checked
sarong (kilt), printed baju (coat), a square skull cap,
and sandals.
He had the vigour and pride of the Arab, the per-
severance and subtilty of the Hindoo— in language and
national sympathy only was he Malay.* But the
translations will better illustrate the man, modified
undoubtedly as his character was by contact with
superior European and American intellects, such as
Raffles, Milne, and North.
He was a literary man by descent, and his father had
the honour and felicity to be guru, or native teacher,
to Marsden, the well-known author of the "History of
Sumatra" and the "Malayan Dictionary." Abdulla's
original native education appears to have been liberal
and arduous, according to the standard of his country-
men, comprising as it did Malay, Tamil, Arabic, and
Hindee. This training qualified him highly for- the
pursuits into which he was led, first as a Malay writer
in the employment of Sir Stamford Raffles, and as a
translator and Malay teacher in connection with the
Protestant missions at Singapore and Malacca.
His autobiography will be seen to commence with the
usual initial phrases at the head of all Mahomedan
books, and he well describes the palpitating doubts of
one about to undertake the load of authorship, but he,
notwithstanding this, clearly gives us to understand that
he will hold his own against all competitors. He tells of
* Thus he was an ethnographical example of a process that has gone
on from time immemorial in the tropics, viz., the fathers perpetuate the
features, the mothers perpetuate the language.
HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
his huraility and poverty, but this must be taken as it is
intended. Thus the native editor of the " Sijara Malayu,"
at the commencement of that well-known Malay work
calls himself a fakir, or mendicant, but meaning so only
in the sight of God, as being given to religious or humane
pursuits in contradistinction to those engaged in traffick-
ing or money-making. So also Abdulla places his work
on God, as having no self power. As comment on this
topic would lead us into a dangerous controversy on the
doctrine of " self will," we will avoid doing so.
The simile that Abdulla draws in regard to the
jeweller and his touchstone for testing the quality of
gold appears to have this intention, that he, as one
having special knowledge of literature, is in a position
to test the quality of the teachings of men who are mere
pretenders to that knowledge, and of which the com-
monalty can be no judges, and are thus imposed on.
At the same time I may say, that, having been personally
under the teaching of several munshis, it was abundantly
evident that in the far east the same jealousies amongst
experts and artists existed as are found in other parts
of the world, and not a whit less detraction.
It will be noticed, also, that while he extols learning he
decries wealth. This is a common practice amongst
moralists, which is the result of their position, and it
would be unnatural in them to. do otherwise.
Following the preface, the autobiographer relates his
genealogy — the main facts of which I have already
given ; he then tells of his father's avocations, his
political missions, then his own birth, and his rearing
and schooling; of the latter he gives a very full and
characteristic account, from which we make some
extracts. He says he got on till he was seven years of
age without ever being punished or scolded, and, in
consequence, learned nothing. But such pleasant times
abdulla's early life. 7
did not last ; for afterwards he was often beaten, besides
having the reading boards broken over his head, and
many°" rattans," or canes, used up on his body. His
finders would be swollen with stripes for mistakes in
writing, and he well exclaims, "With what difficulties
is not the acquisition of knowledge attended!" At
this time Arabic alone was taught in Malacca, but merely
as a dead language— the pupils being taught to repeat
the Koran, as parrots, without knowing the meaning —
no harder lot for school children could be devised. The
native language was never thought worth teaching ; and
in passing, I may remark that no people have to undergo
greater hardships in learning the rudiments of their
religion than the Mahomedans with their Koran; yet
what sect is more zealous than they ? The strokes of
the propagator seem to draw the affection of their
children, and not to destroy it. Is it because we love that
best which costs us most ? But the Mahomedan school-
master seems to have outdone even our old-fashioned
holders of the birch in the variety of his torture of the
youthful and tender charges under his care. Amongst
the numerous modes of punishment so practically de-
scribed, we have the "Chinese squeezer," an apparatus
made with five pieces of cane, which are tied together at
one end, but the other ends have a line passed through
them; the manner in which it was used being to put
the four fingers between the cane, when by pulling
the line they were squeezed or pressed, ad libitum, in
the manner of the thumb-screws of Lauderdale. Then
we have the " smoker," which consisted of dry cocoa-
nut husk set on fire, over which the young hopeful had
his head held firmly, and to add to the torture, Chili
pepper (Cayenne) was added, which entered the boy's
nose, mouth, and eyes, causing excruciating pain, no
doubt very much to the amusement of the schoolmaster
8 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
and edification of the other school boys. Again we have
the " hanger," by which boys were hung by the wrists to
a beam by cords, and thus held so high up that their feet
could not touch the ground. No doubt this was a happy
mode for the "moralists" I have above mentioned of
recouping themselves for their abnegation of the good
things of this world in the private sport and excitement
they thus obtained by caning suffering humanity in its
tenderest period.
After passing through this delightful curriculum,
Abdulla informs us that he was engaged in the study of
the Tamil language, and that after some time at this he
was taken in hand by his father, who was very severe
upon him, looking at him always with a sour counten-
ance, and whipping him with a cane for each error in
dictation. Again, not dismayed or crushed by all these
appalling events, he entered on the study of Hindostanee
with a Bengalee Sepoy in the Malacca Fort, where he
seems to have gained some ease and comfort, for he
informs us he there became a great favourite with the
Sepoys.
He at times was induced to complain to his mother
of his father's treatment, at which times she put
her arms round his neck, and kissing him said, " My
dear, do not be foolish ; you are yet young and silly,
and cannot know the value of education." This incident
speaks volumes for a Malay mother, and indicates her
common humanity in the world ; and he admits after-
wards, that he came ee what she said was true, as he
found the real advan,.._ie of knowledge, and his triumph
was in due time to come, which, however, must be given
in his own words.
( 9 )
II.
HIS MOTHER'S PRIDE AND FATHER'S SATISFACTION.
" Moreover there came upon a certain day a native
skipper to our house, searching for my father, in order
that he might have a bond drawn out in acknowledg-
ment of a debt due to a Chinese merchant to the
amount of 300 Spanish dollars. Now just at that
time my father was very busily engaged at the resi-
dence of Mr. Adrian Kock, so that the skipper waited on
till evening. So when I came out from the inner apart-
ment, I asked of him, as is the custom, in this manner,
'Where are you from, 0 skipper; and what are you
seeking for?' to which he replied, 'lam seeking for
your "old man ; " ' upon which I told him that he was very
busy, as above related. He then said that the business
with my father was about an agreement which he had
to draw out before his sailing. To which I replied, that
if he liked it, I would prepare the document ; to this he
assented, with the remark that it might be possible for
a young tiger to become a kitten. Says I, ' Not too fast,
0 skipper ; let me try.' So in a jiffy I retired to the
inner apartment, where I was accustomed to do my
exercises, and asking the names of the debtor and
creditor, wrote them down, and brought out the writing
to show him. When he had read it with a glance of
intelligence, he said, ' It is correct, youngster ; now let
10 HAKAYTT AEDULLA.
me put my signature to it before you.' So he did this,
and considering within himself while he was about to
go out at the door, and showing me a dollar in his hand,
he said, ' Take this, youngster, to buy sweetmeats.' So
I took it in great delight at the thoughts of having
got possession of such a sum. On this he bid me
good-bye.
Just at this moment, while I was in the act of
thanking him, my father returned, and on seeing the
skipper said, ' What news,' 0 skipper ? When did you
come here ? ' And when I had caught sight of my father
I flew into the inner apartment, and remained there
with bated breath and great misgivings about the
making of the writing. The skipper rej)lied to my
father that he had waited a long time for him, even
from mid-day, and on his not appearing, he had asked
his son, Inchi Abdulla, to make out a bond for him.
When I heard him mentioning my name, my heart
palpitated with fear. Perchance it might be wrong, for
I had never made a writing of that sort before ; further-
more, it was not under instruction, but out of foolhardi-
ness and self-conceit. When my father saw the writing,
he smiled, and said, ' The mischievous boy has been
showing off his own cleverness ; but you can use it. So
go, 0 skipper, and deposit it in the office of registry.'
On this the skipper took his departure, when my father
came into the room with so smiling yet mysterious
a deportment, that my mother asked what pleased
him. Then said my father, 'If this day I had got a
present of 1000 dollars, I could not have been so over-
joyed as I am, seeing that my son can now help me.'
So he told the whole story over to my mother, at which
they both laughed, crying, — ' God has augmented his
understanding ! ' Again said my father, ' On this day
have I got a son such as was born of you ; yes, on this
nis mother's pride and father's satisfaction. 11
day. And if he had not known how to learn or how to
write, but had remained in ignorance, I would have
counted him as if he had been dead.' Thus I heard all
the conversation of my parents from out of their own
room, and thiB was the first time that I came to fully
know their love of me, as well as the use of all their
teachings and the good of knowledge. So from that day
I was convinced in my heart that all the lessons of my
father were true, proper, and good.
After this my father came into my own room, where
I was accustomed to be taught, with a sour face, saying,
'What have you been doing to-day? You know I
have been out, and you have not been studying and
writing : this comes of your laziness. Even though you
know nothing of letters, here you have been making out
a bond for a Siak skipper, with ever so many blunders
in it ; and so you think that you have mastered these
things.'
Now I perceived that my father would on no account
allow that I was competent or expert; nor would
he praise me in any way, lest I should be proud.
Yet it happened after this, in regard to post letters, or
receipts, or powers of attorney, or wills, and the like, if
people came to us for these, he ordered me to attend to
them. He first told me such and such are the circum-
stances, such are the amounts, such the periods, letting
me compose the instruments myself ; and for a time or
two only were there a few faults, for on the third trial
all was correct. From that time he made over to me
all his writing material and desks.
Moreover, at that time persons who were competent
to write and compose were highly appreciated, for there
were only four who could be engaged upon such employ-
ment. The name of the first was Mama Hoj Mahomed, a
Malacca born Kling, who was employed by the Com-
12 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
pany.* After him was Mama Jamal Mahomed bin Nur
Mahomed, of Surat ; then my father, Abdulkadar bin
Mahomed Ibrahim, and Mama Mahadin bin Ahmed
Libby. Now these persons were Klings of mixed race,
excepting Jamal Mahomed, who was born at Malacca,
but his father was a Suratee and not a Malay.
Now, it was on account of the diligence of these
persons in literature and language as a science, that
they attained excellence. Further, in whatever em-
ployment— be it in that of writing or composition of
Malay, or Tamil and such like — it was they that con-
victed people and put them to shame in council. Thus
they gained their living, and by no other means; and
because of the liberality of the Malacca people at that
time, they were kept constantly busy — there was daily
work ; and from this came not one advantage only, for
their names became extolled in various countries, and
they were cited by Europeans with high honour in their
great courts."
Thus the knowledge to draw out a receipt had been
attained. Laugh not at this, ye scholars of Europe ;
considering the depressing influences, both artificial and
natural, it was a great event. Amongst a people sunk in
apathy and ignorance, Abdullahad a right to be proud of
himself. Had the Arab priest had his own way, he
would have confined Abdulla's acquisitions to crying out
texts from the Koran without his knowing the remotest
meaning thereof. By this method the priest perpetu-
ated a mysterious influence over the people which gave
him absolute power ; and he feared to impart even the
most rudimentary knowledge. The pride of the parents
* Meaning the East India Company.
his mother's pride and father's satisfaction. 13
is also so well described as to be truly natural. The
father's reticence and mock severity heap up honours on
the son's head, and at length the finished schoolboy,
after all his pains, by way of compensation finds the
greatest of all pleasures, viz., that he can make himself
useful.
It is a remarkable fact, that out of a population of
60,000 souls, only four could write the language of the
country correctly. What power is thus running to waste !
How prostrate must not a people be so situated in these
modern days ! After this there follows a disquisition on
Malay literature, into which we need not now enter.
14 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
III.
DESCRIPTION OF MALACCA FORT, AND ITS
DEMOLITION.
" Now at this time I had no other employment than that
of constantly reading manuscript or writing, this only ;
when shortly there came a rumour to Malacca that the
English intended to destroy the fort, but none of the
races of people inhabiting the town would believe that
such could be done so easily, saying one to another,
that the life of the Governor would not be long enough
to finish such an undertaking. This was, in then* opinion,
owing to the strength, workmanship, and hardness of
the stones, and its extraordinary position. And on
account of these circumstances such an event could not
come home to their understandings, nor that the fort
could be quickly knocked down. So many people went
about saying, Now is the time coming for poor people to
get rich in earning wages at the fort demolition.
Another one would suggest that if they meddled with it
many would die, for how many of the devil's imps were
inside of it ! Again, half the people cried that it comes
of the knowingness of the English, this destroying the
fort ; for should it happen to fall into the hands of
another power, it would be a long war to get it back
again, owing to its great strength and the skill with
which it had been constructed.
DESCRIPTION* OF MALACCA FORT, AND ITS DEMOLITION, lo
To proceed. The nature of the Fort of Malacca, as I
observed it by walking along its ramparts and proceeding
down to its foundations, was of stones called outerite, red
coloured, of a half fathom to a fathom in length. These
stones had been originally very smooth and straight, as
if they had been chiselled. Further, the face of the walls
inclined a little backwards, with a round moulding. The
fort had four sides, and there were eight bastions ; and
the breadth of the ramparts of the bastions was from
ten to thirteen fathoms, and it was here where the
cannons were ranged around ; and the thickness of the
cm-tain was two and a half fathoms, while at each bastion
there were underground cells, with folds, wells, and
stables, and within the rampart walls of the fort there
was a path, by which people could proceed round to the
bastions, whence there were sally-ports.
Again, the height of the fort was about ten fathoms, as
seen from above, and it is reported that the foundations
were as much below the surface, for when they were
about to demolish it, they went down seven or eight
fathoms, and had not yet reached the lowest course.
Also the fort had four gates, and the largest gate had
attached to it the great bridge. The large gate had also
a small one, by which people went out and in after eight
o'clock in the evening. This was eight or ten fathoms
distant on the right wing. There was also another gate,
for taking out and in merchandise, as also carriages, —
all these went by this way. At these two gates Sepoys
stood sentry by turns. Again, on the side of the Chinese
Hill,* there was one small gate, and on the side towards
Banda Illiar there was another of the same description
as the great gate. And its bridges were three in
number : one great one, viz., towards the town of
Malacca ; the second, called the little gate, towards the
* Bukit China.
16 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Chinese Hill ; and the third towards Banda Hilar. All
these were made so as to be drawn up, which they did
at night-time ; but if there was any disturbance, or war,
or such like, they kept them up. When large vessels
were entering the river they had to pay dues, as well as
when going out.
Moreover, around the fort there was a breastwork of
earth, whose thickness was two fathoms, and at the foot
of it they planted sharp iron spikes, and at the side of
the spikes there was a ditch, whose breadth was about
five fathoms, with about the same depth, from whence
water could be let in or out. The sluice for inlet was
near to the small bridge, but that for outlet was seaward,
near the landward bridge. There were also banks
round the moat planted with trees. And in the moat
there were numbers of alligators and sikap fish, with
mullets and prawns. Again, on the top of the fort, at
about every two fathoms, they placed a cannon, also what
was called a monkery-house — a place for the sepoys to
watch ; thus it was all romid the fort. Then after six in
the evening they would allow no one to enter — but only
to walk outside, and when it was eight, they fired a
gun and lifted the drawbridges, after which, if we did
not carry lights we were taken hold of, and if we did
not answer to the call we were fired at from above.
There was also a road round the fort of ten or twelve
fathoms in width, from the banks of the moat, all kept
beaten down and planted with senna trees at seven
fathom distances. Thus it was as far as the small
bridge.
To proceed. Now there was a hill in the interior of
the Malacca fort — just in the centre — of moderate eleva-
tion, on whose top stood a Dutch church, but which
originally belonged to the Portuguese (Nazarenes). So
when the Dutch had taken possession they converted it
DESCRIPTION OF MALACCA FORT, AND ITS DEMOLITION. 17
to their own purposes. It is now used as a burial-place
by the latter. The fort, however, was built by the
Portuguese, and the way I know this is by the evidence
of certain figures, over one of the gates, which were
cotemporary with its construction, and whose appear-
ance is that of that nation. These figures are made
of stucco, standing erect, and of the size of children
They are to be seen at this day on the gate towards
Banda Ilhar : but the gate on the Malacca side was
broken down by Colonel Farquhar. Near the church
there is a garden belonging to the East India Company
in which are a great variety of plants, consisting of
fruit trees, flowers, and all kinds of vegetables. There
was also a well of many hundred fathoms depth indeed
of unknown depth, for if we threw a stone into it, it was
a space before we heard the sound of it. Outside of the
garden there was also another well of the same descrip-
tion. At the foot of the hill was situated the Governor's
house, of elaborate construction, whence there led a
covered passage into the hill leading to a water-gate
Then behind the garden of the East India Company
is the place of burial of Rajah Hajee, a Malay man of
might, but of Bugis descent. It was he who made war
on Malacca when the Dutch held it— which happened
about fifty years ago, i.e., about a.d. 1790, at which
time he nearly took it, for he had gained all the suburbs
and surrounding villages, merely leaving the circuit of
the town itself untaken. At that time aU the different
peoples of Malacca bore arms, including Malays Klines
Chinese, Portuguese, each under their respective cap-
tains and leaders. And after some years of warfare
Rajah Hajee was struck by a ball at a place called Tan-
jong Pallas, when the Dutch, obtaining his corpse, carried
it to Malacca and buried it there ; this, as I have had
related to me, was in a pig-sty. Twenty or thirty years
18 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
after this came bis son from Linga and Ebio to Malacca,
asking of the English Governor that he might carry the
remains away for burial to Ehio, for which he obtained
consent. Now, the history of the war of Raja Hajee is
a very long one, and to go on with it would protract the
work in hand, so I must set it aside.
Furthermore, there is on that side of the hill a prison,
named by the Malacca people miskurdia (misericordia ?)
that is in the Portuguese language, or tronko ; and in
that place there is a room called tronko glap (dark
dungeon), for the keeping of the greatest criminals.
Here night and day are equally the same. And at the
side of this are the instruments for putting people to
death, or for other punishments ; the name of the place
being " trato," that is, where people were racked on
wood, when their joints were all separated and broken
before being hung or gibbeted at Pulo Java (to which
place the body was removed). Again, here were brand-
ing irons, used on criminals, whose print was about the
size of a dollar. The branding was done before persons
were put in chains, either to be strangled or to be rolled
in a barrel full of spike nails, with the points inwards.
Now the criminals were put into the barrel and rolled
round the town till their bodies were mere pulp. I have
not, however, seen this of myself, but have been told it by
old people. Still, there were the instruments in existence,
and the barrel stuck full of nails, besides all the other
material of the Dutch for punishing and correcting the
people. All these things, with their dungeons and the
customs thereof, have now been done away with and
burnt. The dark cell was demolished at the time of the
war of Batavia, i.e., the taking of Java by the English.
While Lord Minto was in Malacca he put an end to
these brutal practices, the instruments of torture being
either burnt or thrown into the sea.
DESCRIPTION OF MALACCA FORT, AND ITS DEMOLITION. 19
Now I return to the subject of Colonel Farquhar's
undertaking to demolish the fort. He first called all the
workmen (coolies) of various nations to commence land-
ward, near the Chinese Hill, and he set on several hun-
dreds of them ; hut they could not break a single stone
in several days, for they were in such a fright, they being
surely persuaded that there were evil spirits in the fort.
This idea was caused by many people having dreamed
different manner of things, amongst which were of some
having been slapped in the face by Satan himself, calling
for their death's blood, or bringing on them numerous
kinds of diseases. Thus the panic amongst the workmen
increased the more and more. These no doubt were
absurdities arising out of a strong prepossession and
mere timidity, which made the fear of danger a reality
to them : just as lime sticking to a stone is taken for
the stone itself, and the smell of it as if it had just been
put on. When it was found so difficult to break up the
masonry, then they were set to undermine the found-
ations ; but the further down they went, there were less
hopes of reaching them in this manner ; they failed in
this also. They measured the upper part, and found they
had gone down the same distance below ; so they stopped
the work of digging down to the foundation, but they
were ordered to commence demolishing on the seaward
side— using hoes, rakes, pickaxes, and the like tools, but
this proved but a sore trouble, so that many left off
from fear, many men having died or fallen sick. The
wages now rose to half a dollar per diem, but this even
was not a sufficient inducement. Thus the demolishing
of the fort became more and more difficult, and the people
of Malacca began to think, at this period, that it would
not be the English who could do it, by reason of its
strength and the multitude of evil spirits opposing them.
Thus it went on for three months, in sicknesses, and
20 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
other disagreeables, as well as in the men dying or
breaking their legs and arms. While such were the
circumstances, it was bruited abroad that the Governor
had ordered a mine to be carried under the sea
bastion, where he intended to deposit powder boxes, with
the view of blowing it up. When this was known, people
cried out, What kind of an affair is this ? Hundreds
went to see it, myself amongst the number ; and true
enough, they had dug holes about one fathom square, of
great depth to then desire. Then they dug the earth at
the side of these wells, at about a fathom distance, in
which they put the powder chests, to which they applied
a fuse below the ground, — whose length was about ten
fathoms, — made with cloth. The grains of the
powder were rough, and as big as one's great toes.
They then ordered these holes to be closed, which they
plugged hard with stones and earth. They worked at
these for five or six days, with ten or twenty men ; after
which they sent round the gong to make people aware
that on the morrow, at eight o'clock in the morning, no
persons were to come to the fort side of the river, or into
the houses near, but to go to houses at a distance.
Then, on the morrow, came Colonel Farquhar on horse-
back, holding a staff in his hand. He ordered his men
to mount the fort and drive all people across the river,
which they did pell mell. Immediately after this he
lighted the fuse. This being done he spurred his horse;
and in about four or five minutes the mine was fired
with a noise like thunder, and out flew stones as big
as houses and elephants, right out to the sea. There
were also stones that were carried across the river to
the tops of the houses. The people, when they heard
the sound, got into a high state of alarm and conster-
nation, for they never had heard such a noise before.
The mighty power of gunpowder blowing up into the
DESCRIPTION OF MALACCA FORT, AND ITS DEMOLITION. 21
air as it did stones as big as houses, filled them with
astonishment.
Now only did people begin to believe that the
English could demolish the fort. They now sagely
wagged their heads, saying that great were the in-
genuities and contrivances of the white people, but what
a pity that such a beautiful fort should be destroyed as
it were in a moment; for if it had to be erected again,
how many years would this not take ! For the glory of
Malacca was its fort, and having destroyed this the
glory had gone out of it ; like the corpse of a woman, the
husband no longer glories in her face. But this is the
dispensation of the Almighty ; the world is not ever-
lasting: what is He maketh to be not, and what is not He
maketh to arise.
Now the stones of the fort were removed by people
in various directions — some made houses of them, and
some even carried them off to Batavia during the
Dutch tenure {i.e., in 1818 to 1825), and lately also
to Rhio, the English taking them on board ships to
make the harbour of Bara. There are also some sunk
in the river ; others remain in heaps like hills to this
time, for people to take as they like.
Some days after this they essayed to blow up the
bastion towards the Kling quarter, when they gave
notice by gong for the people to remove. Now, there was
on the other side of the river the house of one Hatib
Musi, whose distance was near about twenty fathoms.
So all the people removed themselves, excepting a friend
of the above Musi, called Basir Membarak, with a child
called Abrahim. These hid themselves at the back of the
house, in order to see the sport. So betimes the fuse was
lighted, and the men had run for it ; the powder had
fired and blown up with a great noise, then came down
stones as big as elephants, right on the top of the
22 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
house, and broke it down, crushing the hiders and
covering them with rubbish. Upon this an alarm was
given that five or sis men had been killed. So all ran
to the place — myself amongst the rest — to see the
accident, for at that time I was ordered by my mother
to keep at least a mile away. So when I had got
there, I learned that in the centre of the house a
Pulicut man, called Abdastar, was at meals when a frag-
ment of rock struck his forehead, cutting the same. I
then went inside, and coming to the boy Basurj I could
see his legs only, and over his body were stones in heaps,
of all sizes, from a quarter to one fathom. Nine or ten of
these had crushed him ; and they uncovered him to see if
life remained. And over the boy Abrahim three stones
had fallen, of a fathom in length, covered with earth.
Thereupon they dug him out, and finding one of his legs
broken in three places, they carried him off to the Pali
quarter. And as to the one named Basir Membarak, he
also was covered with earth and stones, and when he was
got out his bones were crushed ; so he was carried off to
the English doctor. Basir, however, died, whilst Abdastar
and Abrahim were brought round by medicine, so that
God has given them life even to this day,* but they are
both lame. Now what else could be done ? for it was of
their own fault that they went into mischief, so that
people lay the fault on them. And when the people of
Malacca saw all these things, they became alarmed,
and after words at each blast they cut and run as far as
they could, deserting their homes and chasing off the
children.
Thus it came about that Colonel Farquhar made an
easy job of demolishing the fort ; and all those who did
not believe in the possibility now shut their mouths, not
saying another word. And all the evil spirits that were
* 1843.
DEMOLITION OF MALACCA FORT. 23
in the brains of people went back to their originators,
being afraid of the smoke of gunpowder, and the affair
now stood thus, that the beautiful fort of Malacca was
destroyed, blown to the winds, by powder; but if they had
tried it stone by stone, it would have been standing yet."
The Fort of Malacca was surrendered by the Dutch to
the English in the year 1795, the names of the English
officers being Major Brown and Captain Newcome. It,
with the adjacent territory, had been held by the Dutch
since 1641, in which year it was captured by them, with
the assistance of the King of Lahore, from the Portuguese.
The Portuguese held Malacca from the year 1511, at
which time they captured it from the Malays, who had
been settled there, as Newhoff informs us, for about 250
years previously.
The demolition of the fortifications of so renowned a
city is therefore a notable work in the history of
Europeans in the East Indies, and it is interesting to
note the impressions of a native who saw the actual
operations. In his account he forcibly brings out one of
the features in native character, and their occasional
freaks which cannot be understood by Europeans, viz.,
their superstitious dread of evil spirits, which urges
them on to unaccountable panics, or sometimes worse
courses. He mentions that the fort was built by the
Portuguese, but I have not been able to find the date
of its foundation. Since it has disappeared, its style
can only be guessed at. The fort at Point de Galle may.
however, be pointed out as a type of its class, though
the Malacca one appears to have been much larger.
It was in 1805 that the Directors of the East India
Company ordered the abandonment of Malacca, they
24 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
desiring to retain Penang only ; and the Supreme
Government of India in consequence ordered the de-
struction of the fort on the 5th October of that year.
The fort was accordingly demolished in the years
1807-8, at which- time Abdulla would be eleven years
of age. In his description, therefore, we see the remi-
niscences of a boy rather than of a man ; and we smile
when we peruse his account of the excessive difficulties,
when we learn from Low that the total cost of the
process was only 10,241 Spanish dollars, a little over
£2,000 sterling.
Valentyn calls the rampart along the river St.
Domingo, and on the sea-side Taypa, stretching towards
Fort St. Jago. Adjacent to the church on the top of the
hill he mentions the Monastery of St. Paul's, and
those on the adjacent hills, Minnebroeders and Madre
de Dios. The former still stands. The church itself is
now deserted, and has been long used as a burying-
place for the Dutch leading families, who have many
exquisitely carved and cut tombstones. Here lies also the
second Bishop of Japan, who died in the Straits of
Singapore, during the latter part of the 16th century.
The church is said to have been founded by St. Francis
Xavier.
The figures which Abdulla alludes to by way of
proof of Portuguese construction were still preserved
in 1848, when I took a drawing of them which is now
by me ; and it is amusing to think how differently we
judge of things. In the first place, the date over the
gateway is 1G70, that is during Dutch occupation. The
design over this is rudely done in plaster, and would
stand very well for, if it is not actually, the coat of arms
of the Dutch East India Company. In the centre, sur-
rounded by an astragal, there is a galiot of mediaeval
design, on the left side of which stands a burgher or
DESCRIPTION OF MALACCA FORT. 25
soldier with a shield on the left arm and sword in the
right hand, holding a crown on the point of it. On the
right side there stands what appears to be an angel with
a flaming sword, and surrounding all are decorations of
warlike weapons. The architecture of the gate itself is
debased Ionic, — column on column, — and the workman-
ship is coarse.
Simultaneously with the Malays of the south end of the
Straits of Malacca endeavouring to expel the Dutch, the
Malays at the north end made attempts on the English
settlement of Penang, but in either case they were
defeated. The tradition related by Abdulla of the
treatment of the remains of Raja Hajee, I believe to have
insufficient grounds for credence. In the first place, the
Dutch would have many Mahomedans in their employ-
ment as soldiers and sailors, .etc., and of course would
not do a deed most insulting to their faith. The tra-
dition, however, is notable in giving an indication of one
of those slumbering rumours that pass through the native
mind, and which are remembered against Europeans to
their disadvantage when a period of weakness comes.
Thus the Dutch inhabitants of Palembang were, in 1811,
carried out to sea by the natives and mercilessly sunk
in a watery grave.
The modes of torture exemplified by the instruments
in the Malacca jail would, however, prove that such
cruelty, as was only perpetrated in mediaeval times and
under the excitement of fierce religious conflict, had
been indulged in to a late period.
The commencement of the demolition of the fort
shows clearly how inefficient is native labour, and the
more so when to this is added the weakening influence
of superstition; and here we may note how Abdulla
himself, by education and converse with a superior race,
had thrown off the latter. His simile is excellent. It
26 HAKAYIT AEDULLA.
is curious to observe his glorying in the fort and lament-
ing its destruction, seeing it was by this that the
European powers had overawed the natives ; it shows
how far sentiment will carry us, in revering things that
have gone by. His remarks on the foolhardiness of
Abdastar and his mates are good, and he truly points
out to whom the blame of the accident attached. As
to the jins or evil spirits, I have often remarked that the
natives were thoroughly persuaded that Europeans were
beyond their influence ; so that they were under no
apprehension of danger whilst acting under their super-
vision and direction.
( 27 )
TV.
AN ELEPHANT HUNT.
" Now all the four races* in Malacca were exceedingly
fond of and attached to the governorship of Major
Farquhar. The country itself was tranquil, and mer-
chants came and went from all quarters to traffic here.
The poor people even got a good living, as more
especiallv did the rich. All got good wages in foreign
trade, and many people from other countries also arrived
to seek a living, and who took wives to themselves.
Thus the mixed race became numerous in Malacca
under the good laws and customs of the place. Each
race had its captain ; these again installed elders in each
village, who, in the first place, looked over and settled
small matters, and if they could not settle them, then
the subject was taken to the captain, and afterwards, if
it could not be settled by him, it was taken before the
fiscal, and if again it could not be settled, then it went
to the court. The country, it is true, belonged to the
English, but the laws and customs were Dutch ; and as
to the language and names' of leading men, all were
Dutch.
Shortly after this Major Farquhar was created
Colonel, and thereupon European sentries guarded his
door. Now, the sentry on guard feigned that he loaded
* Malays, Chinese, Klinge, and Portuguese.
28 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
his gun as usual ; but he put in two balls, and as the
Colonel was descending he fired, and with the report one
ball glanced past him on the left, and the other on the
right, which startled him ; but as it was not to be his
fate to die, he escaped. The distance between him to
the sentry was only eight fathoms. Malacca was now
in consternation at their Governor being fired at. Such
was the case. The sentry was now laid hold of and put
in prison till he was sent to Bengal, but I did not hear
of his further disposal.
I now come to relate the story of Colonel Farquhar' s
elephant hunt. At this time there was a man in
Malacca who came from Tringanu, called Pawang Gaga.
He was originally a Kiddah or Queda man, understand-
ing the habits of elephants well, and their medicine ; so
he came to Malacca to seek employment in this manner.
He remained some time in Malacca, where he soon
became well-known as an elephant doctor, both in
catching and medicating. He did nothing else but range
the woods. On one day he came to the house of Inchi
Sulong, who was at that time native foreman to Colonel
Farquhar, over whose garden operations he was the head,
— finding men and such like. Thus the Pawang spoke to
him, and told him that in the Malacca forest there were
numbers of elephants, so that if the Governor would
order it, he would catch ever so many. On Inchi Sulong
hearing this, he went to Colonel Farquhar to let him
know. On this Colonel Farquhar ordered that if it
were true he would give the due authority for the hunt.
This was told to the Pawang, who now appeared before
the Governor, when it was agreed that he should go in
search of the elephants, and on finding their tracks, that
he should return and obtain sixty or seventy men to go
with him ; and should they be caught, he asked, what
will be the agreement ? On this Colonel Farquhar said
AN ELEPHANT HUNT. 29
that be would give a hundred dollars for every one
brought into the town. To this the Pawang replied,
"Very good; but the cost of the operations are to
be on you, and to commence with, I wish a little
advance." This was assented to, when the Pawang
retired. He now took two companions and entered the
jungle where he remained about eleven days, after which
he returned to Inchi Sulong to tell him that he had
come on a herd of sixty elephants, so that men should
be sent with him to make a pen or fold ; so this was
agreed to. The pen was to be made at Sabatu, two days'
jomney from Malacca easterly. Inchi Sulong sent with
him sixty or seventy men to work by shifts. The atten-
tion of the Malacca people now became general towards
the intended hunt at Sabatu, all wanting to go to see it,
as they had never seen such a thing before. My own
notions at that time need not be mentioned ; I was like
a bird complete with two wings about to fly dn-ect to the
place to see it.
I will now explain the manner of making the pen.
The first thing done was to fell large trees in pieces of
twelve cubits in length (eighteen feet) ; after collecting the
timber the pieces were stuck into the ground close and
well-bound together. The size of the pen was twenty
fathoms square. On the top of the fence a shed was
erected, for people to sit in, made very strong, all the
materials used in it being large. And after this had been
erected they made wing walls, like fishing stakes, i.e.,
they stuck in posts, close together, to the right and the
left, to the length of one hundred fathoms. They then
stuck between these walls plantain trees and sugar cane,
extending into the pen or trap. When all this was
finished, the news created the greatest hubbub in Malacca,
and all the Europeans, and the four other races, either
on foot, in carriages, or on horseback, went to see ; and
30 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
I amongst them. I was on the road two days ; and on
arriving at Sabatu, I examined the whole affair, and saw
it was one of design only, not, as my neighbours would
have it, of spells, medication, and spiritism. These were
lying foolishness.
On the same evening the Pawang with hundreds of
men entered the jungle to drive the elephants ; and when
they met with the herd they surrounded them at a
distance, being thus engaged for six or seven days
in this manner trending them to the fences. Now,
between these were plantain trees and sugar cane as
bait (as related above), which when the elephants saw,
they went straight for this food. On this the drivers
got nearer, till they commenced to fire and shout on the
right and left : thus the elephants, being now enclosed,
made for the pen, led on at the same time by the bait.
Now men were ready stationed above the door of the
pen, which was held up by a rope ; so when all the
elephants had entered they let go, and the door fell,
thus entrapping the herd, which counted, large and
small, male and female, sixty-two tails* (heads). The
Pawang now ordered hundreds of men to get on to the
top of the fence, all holding spears and staffs, and when
the elephants seized the timbers of the fence, intending
to break it, they were speared so that they let go : thus
it was all round the pen, — here there was striking, there
there was spearing. At this time I also tried to get on
the top of the fence to see the fun, but the men would
not let me ; so I went softly to the Pawang, and showed
him a rupee (2s.), and when he saw it in his hand, he
said, "Very good, Inchi, get up." So his people set me
up, and giving me a stick in my hand, they told me,
when the elephants seized, to strike them ; this I did.
In the interior of the pen it was like a great battle, and
* Natives count by the tails.
AN ELEPHANT HUNT.
31
the roars were like thunder without end, — each animal
was doing according to its instinct: some scratching
the ground, others throwing the sand up in the air,
others switching themselves in the branches and in the
earth with various sounds, some were piercing the fence
with their tusks. The big ones were outside and the
small ones inside. Thus the area got puddled two or
three cubits in depth with the treading. People now set
off to tell the news at Malacca to the Governor ; who
came next day with Dr. Chalmers and other Europeans
in carriages; and, when they had ascended the fence,
they then saw the elephants going round the area trying
to get out, but wherever they laid hold men beat them.
They were thus kept starving for six or seven days ; and
as they made fierce efforts to break the fence, the
Pawang now took a little stalk of plantain, and with an
exorcism he threw it into the area — there was quietness
by this. I then heard people remarking, What a clever
Pawang that is ! See how potent his exorcism is ; the
elephants even are afraid ! But this was entirely false,
for the brutes, having fasted several days, were quiet
on getting something to eat, and the little ones were
appeased. After the herd had been ten days in the
pen a little more plantain was thrown into a trap,
when an elephant would come and become entangled
by the neck — the trap being fastened to a tree. On
this the Pawang would enter, and hobbling it right and
left, he would get it out of the pen and tether it on the
hill ; this was done to all. All this time he gave them
neither meat nor drink, being afraid that they might
have strength to break the fence or their fastenings.
Even with all this precaution, his people were chased
by the elephants many times, even though on the top
of the fence, with frightful noises. Some got broken
faces, and often did the animals try to knock down the
32 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
fence, grasping the posts with then trunks, thus shaking
the whole enclosure, and if they had not been at once
hit with a stick, the whole would have fallen down.
Further, many of the Malays and Chinese, as well as
others, believed in the Pawang's supernatural powers
over elephants by his exorcisms, — all the elephants of
the forests being afraid of him, so especially should
mankind. On this account thousands went to buy
medicine, talismans, and amulets of him. But all these
are false and foolish ideas, a misfortune to the buyers
and believers. All comes of sense only, not from occult
art.
The end of this is that I heard that nearly all the
elephants died, only six or seven having been brought to
Malacca. So Colonel Farquhar and Dr. Chalmers paid
the Pawang as agreed on, and the bones of the dead
ones were taken by them to send to Europe."
The above is an account of an elephant hunt which
took place to the eastward of Malacca during the
government of Colonel Farquhar ; and when in the
district, in the year 1848, I fomid that all the older
inhabitants took that event as their era for reckoning.
And thus it is with all aboriginal people, they have little
knowledge of the value of historical dates, so they seize
for their reckoning any unusual circumstance that may
have happened during their lifetimes.
Abdulla tells us that the native hunter was a Pawang
Gaja from Kiddah, meaning that he was a man believed
by the natives to have supernatural skill over elephants,
that is, an elephant doctor. Kiddah is the name of a
small state near Penang, and means elephant enclosure,
the state having received this name from the fact of its
TAWANGS.
33
being a province in which elephants were caught for
export to India. Ahdulla here again shows his con-
tempt for the superstitious observances of the Pawang,
and gives the scientific solution in a simple fact, viz., the
elephants cried for hunger, and having got something
to eat they were quiet. Here is his appreciation of cause
and effect— crying from hunger, quieting by satiety;
in this he was far above his countrymen.
The Pawangs or Poyongs of the Malay Peninsula may
be likened to the medicine-men of American India,
as described by Catlin, but they are not so ghostly,— both
are embryo priests. I met one at the house of my
friend and school-fellow, the late Mr. J. 11. Logan (editor
of the Journal of the Indian Archipelago), at Singapore.
This Pawang belonged to the Mlntera Tribe, and
came with a party of his fellows from the interior of
the Malay Peninsula. Mr. Logan says of him (Journal
of Indian Archipelago, 1848), "The most remarkable of
the party was the Pawang, who displayed much sense
and firmness in his character, and a slight degree of
pride and reserve in his manners. He was looked up
to by his companions as a man of superior ability and
knowledge, and his reputed skill in natural and super-
natural medicines made him an object of much attention
to the Malays in the neighbourhood, who invited him to
their houses and visited him to solicit herbs and charms.
The women in particular regarded him as a magician of
undoubted art, and many on first approaching him threw
themselves at his feet. His head was decidedly intel-
lectual in its formation." The above is the opinion of a
highly cultivated mind on the mental status of an indi-
vidual belonging to a tribe that are called " wild men " by
Europeans, and Orang Utan (men of the bush) by natives.
Amongst many of the spells and exorcisms recited to
Mr. Logan by the Pawang, the following is one relating
34 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
to the attacking of elephants. "Hong, quake; ghost,
quake. I wish to cast down ; I wish to strike. Go to the
left, go to the right. I cast out. The Ghost quakes. The
elephant murmurs. The elephant wallows on the
other side of the lake. The pot boils, the pan boils on
the opposite side of the point. Go to the left, go to the
right, go to the water vessel. Ghost of grandfather (the
elephant to wit), I let loose the fingers of my hand!"
Elephant hunting is seldom attempted by Europeans
in the Malay Peninsula, I presume owing to the dense
nature of the forest. I have frequently come across their
tracks and heard their cries, but never saw one in a wild
state.
We are indebted to Dr. Oxley for a lively and exciting
description of an elephant hunt in the same district,
which I transcribe from the Journal of Indian Arche-
pelago, 1850. After having bagged game of various
kinds, including the sapi, or wild cow, he states that
"on pulling in shore (on the Moar river) we soon per-
ceived a large elephant enjoying his morning bath, and
so little did he seem to care for us, that he deliberately
swam towards the boat. It was an exciting moment,
for the great fear was of his escape. As I have said,
there was but little light, but we could see his large
body and the great nob on the top of his head pretty
distinctly. The word was given, 'Be steady now,' and
at about two paces' distance a couple of balls were put
into his head. With this he turned round, and again he
was saluted with a couple or more bullets. Not liking
such a reception, he made for the land, and got upon
the river bank, when a well-directed rifle-shot hit him
hard and made him scream with pain. But instead of
making off, as he might have done, the noble beast
instantly came back into the river to take vengeance on
his adversaries ; but he was received so warmly, he could
AN ELEPHANT HUNT. 35
never make up his mind to a regular onslaught on the
boat, and when he turned and made off we followed,
pouring in volley after volley upon his devoted head.
Finding the side of the river we first saw him on, rather
too hot to he pleasant, he made up his mind to a
charge, and across the river he went. Then, indeed, he
was at our mercy, and we followed, giving him the
contents of three double barrels, one after the other in
rapid succession, for by the time the third had fired,
number one was again loaded. All this time we were
having target practice at the large bump on the top of the
head, for we could see nothing else at ten yards' dis-
tance. Every shot told, and the poor beast spouted
water from his proboscis, uttering low yells of dissatis-
faction. But his merciless pursuers had no pity,
although when he did reach the land, and we heard
him at the edge of the river uttering plaintive cries,
they did elicit a few words of sympathy, such as, ' Poor
beast ! he is surely hurt ; do you think he can get away? '
When the boat was close to the shore he made one
more attempt to get back into the river, getting so close
to the boat as to put us in no small jeopardy from his
tusks; but we gave way, .and repulsed him with a
regular broadside. He then took to the shore again.
By this time morning began to break, and there was
sufficient light to see him standing at the river's verge,
tossing his trunk from side to side with his head towards
us. Two of us caught sight of him at this moment and
saw the large hollow in the forehead where the animal
is most vulnerable. We pulled our triggers simultane-
ously, and when the smoke cleared away his large
carcase lay stretched on the ground with the head
reclining in the river."
The Moar and Kissang rivers present excellent arenas
for sport, and I may add the whole Malay Peninsula.
36 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Ceylon is more famous ; but the former, being virgin
ground, has actually more objects of attraction. With
a few trusty Penang or Malacca Malays, a sportsman
could go anywhere — having due regard to the feelings
of the native governments, — and he could do so with
perfect safety to health with a few precautions. First,
he should be a water-drinker ; and only carry spirits to be
taken after being exposed to wet for a long time. He
should never sit with wet feet, nor lie on the ground ;
avoid deep valleys at night time ; take meals regularly ;
and never over fatigue himself. In the tropics I can
claim great experience in these matters, though not as
a sportsman, and have often seen the spirit and wine
drinker completely done up before the water-drinker had
any thoughts of being tired.
( 37 )
V.
CHARACTER OF COLONEL FARQUUAR.
" Now, Colonel Farquhar was a man of good parts, slow
at fault-finding, having an equal bearing to poor as well
as to rich, holding neither the one lower nor the other
higher. If persons, however poor or mean, should come
before him to lay a complaint, they had immediate
access, and the whole plaint was listened to, and he
gave advice and counsel till he had appeased them.
Thus they returned rejoicing. And if he went out
walking, driving, or riding, the poor people and others
would salute him, on which occasions he would always
return the same. His was an open hand to all God's
slaves. All these circumstances became as a rope to
tether the hearts of mankind to him. As dew falls at
night and expands the flowers in the garden with its
beneficence, which again diffuse their odours over the
face of the earth. Thus all the deer that roam in the
forest, even they come forth and assemble in that
garden, to collect these flowers which are most beautiful ;
to wit, as for example it is the opinion of the intelligent
reasoner from the above, when a man is really good, he
is named as good for all ages to come ; and even when
dead his good name attaches' to his memory. Now, if
it be the idea of the great or the rich or the mighty,
that by giving respect to the low or the poor their
38 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
greatness or mightiness is deteriorated thereby, I ask,
What says the proverb ? ' Does a snake by coiling
round the root of a bamboo lose its poison ? And whilst
a great elephant has four feet, yet he sometimes trips,
and at other times falls prostrate. Further, the birds
that fly in the air, even they, at times, fall to the
ground. And more especially is it with us human
beings, whose nature is weak, whose life is uncertain,
and who are perishable creatures, which state is not to
be avoided, from one age to another ; for the greatness
and mightiness of this world flits — they are not
guaranteed to one for any length of time, but only the
name of being good or bad. This people speak of after
they are gone.' "
The above testimony, penned by a native, and long
after the officer was dead and gone, is all the more
creditable ; and I felt the more pleasure in translating
this as I have had, in previous works, to comment on
some officials unfavourably. It is a trying position for a
man in power, so far removed from control, to act
entirely unselfishly, as Colonel Farquhar appears to have
done, and this with grace and benevolence. The ques-
tion that always must disturb such breasts is, How far
shall I neglect my own family by public devotion ? The
East India Company's arrangements gave ample scope
for the worse course.
The term " God's slaves " I have translated literally,
as to do otherwise would not be rendering the Maho-
medan's meaning correctly, the word he uses being
"harnba," — i.e., slave, and not "mehkluk," creature.
The phrase is strange to the European ear, and is used
by Mahomedans, I presume, from motives of doctrine,
CHARACTER OF COLONEL FARQUHAR. 39
they not believing that man is a part of the Divine
Essence.
The simile of the deer assembling in the garden seems
to convey this meaning: that the innocent and weak had
such protection under Colonel Farquhar's government,
that he held their entire confidence. Again, that of the
snake coiling round the root of a bamboo would indicate
the following lesson : the root of the bamboo being a
favourite hiding-place of the snake, danger from it or
other causes is more to be dreaded than if it were in
the open; thus bad government harbours an insidious
enemy, because it nourishes fatal causes unseen to itself.
The simile of the elephant and the bird is obvious, the
former being considered by the Malays the most stable
footed of all animals, and the latter the surest on the
wing — yet they fall.
40 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
•VI.
A SCAMP.
"Moreover, after a few days came two great men from
England, one as chief of the Bengal Sepoys stationed
at Malacca, who took up his abode near the Trankera
Gate, in that same house now converted into the Anglo-
Chinese College. Formerly this was the residence of an
English gentleman called Captain Dallam, master
attendant, who owned it. There remained this great
man by name, Mr. B . Now, this person was of a
very mischievous and wicked disposition. One of his acts
was to station two sepoys at his gate to catch any boys
that passed by, and bring them inside his enclosure,
shutting the door after them, and in case of the sepoys
not being able to catch the boys, then he set his dog after
them till they fell, when they were caught hold of and
brought back; and when he had collected a large number
he pitched two and two against each other, and those
who would not fight he would switch with a rattan, on
which they would set to at each other from fear. This
was so great a delight to him, that he commenced
laughing and dancing; and as to the fighters, some
got swollen faces and bloody noses, and as to those who
bled, to them he would give more coppers, but to those
who did not he gave less, and let them go. And as
A SCAMP. -11
to other amusements, be had no other pleasures, hut
only this daily, viz., to see the blood of mankind flowing.
Now, all the wicked boys, or those who had run away
from school, attracted by the coppers, collected there
to fight ; thus the place became a regular fighting
ring, and no one dare to interfere ; so that the better
class of people were put in a state of anxiety, as they
were afraid to allow their children to pass that way. But
after a while he tired of the boys ; but now he would
have grown up men to fight, so that wherever there
were poor people they went to this work for the sake of
a living. In this manner twenties collected daily to
fight.
Now, at this time there were not many English at
Malacca, so that people looked at them as if they were
tigers ; and on the arrival of one or two English ships,
the whole of the townsfolk locked their doors ; and at
such times the streets were filled with drunken sailors,
— some breaking the doors of houses, others racing
after the women that were proceeding along the
streets, others were fighting amongst themselves, with
broken faces ; thus were disturbances got up, by the
chasing of people and the looting of the merchandise
exposed in the market-places. So if people wished to
correct naughty children, they would say to them, ' Be
quiet, or we will bring the drunken English to take
you away.' This made them hold their peace at once!
When even one English ship arrived, not one woman
would be seen in the streets alone ; that is not to say
respectable woman, but even the very slaves kept out of
the way, owing to these outrageous proceedings and
egregious improprieties. By this means the people
were estranged ; and when an example was set by
the great men, such as the officer above, people were
the more terrified.
42 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
But to go on with the story of this bad officer
in a high position, who set people to fight with each
other. This continued for a few months, when he stopped
and commenced cock-fighting. Now, cock-fighting made
the place all astir, people coming frorn great distances
with their cocks to pitch against each other. From the
sea shore and from the interior cocks in twenties were
brought to be slain, and many people thereby obtained
money. Again, after a certain time, he tired of this
sport, and took to buying ducks by the twenty, and let
them out into the sea in front of his house, when he
hounded on two dogs, which were very fierce, to catch
them ; this seemed to afford him pleasure of a sort,
and many people went to see this. And what ducks
the dogs could not catch he covered with his gun ;
firing at them with ball cartridge till they all were
killed, — half being torn by the dogs, half being shot.
This set him jumping with delight. A few days after
this he bought wild pigeons, and when he was standing
ready with his gun, he ordered his men to let them loose,
one by one, for him to fire at ; thus some were struck and
fell dead, others flew away. Again, he bought a number
of apes and let them to the top of an ar senna tree in
front of his house, and shot them dead. Thus it was
with this scamp of a gentleman ; there was not a day
that passed without some mischief or wickedness, which
I need not detail, which fell on the lives of poor brute
beasts or the sorenesses of mankind. Thus one cannot
know how much money he squandered amongst minions.
And as long as he lived in that house not a single woman
dare walk in the vicinity for fear of his disorderly
conduct. Now, I was the more astonished at this, as
Colonel Farquhar was Governor of Malacca at that time ;
but notwithstanding he glossed over this man's faults,
though such things are considered debased by other
A SCAMT. 43
races; for to their idea it was the habit of the English,
and especially of the high bred : as says the Malay
proverb, ' One buffalo under the mire makes all buffalos
in the mire.'
Now, all these doings were remembered by the people
for long, by one relating them to another, and even
from one district to another."
By way of contrast Abdulla immediately gives us an
account of a bad officer, whom he mentions by name,
but which now cannot be of importance to any one to
know. He seems to have been one of those ordinary
characters whose tendency was to go down in the scale
of civilization rather than to rise. His amusements no
doubt were consistent with the age, sixty years ago, but
whose respectability even then was on the wane. He
evidently was a purely sporting character, and after all
there may not have been much bad in him. A good
winter campaign would have been the very thing for him,
— here, in the genial climate of Malacca, his energy ran
to weeds. After all, it is amusing to see Abdulla so
morally indignant at a white gentleman's doings, while
he sees nothing immoral in the general possession of
human slaves by his countrymen. So little do we see
our own faults when we are all alive to the faults of
others. In Malacca, at that time, slaves were held who
had been torn from their mother's breasts : husbands,
wives, sons, and daughters had been separated to
minister to the ease of his neighbours ; yet to shoot
an ape was a "most outrageous proceeding and an
egregrious impropriety."
Connected with our own " social evils" in England and
44 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
her colonies, we could point out many inconsistencies
equally glaring, but the reader's own sense will detect
them, in their various phases, as they come across his
experience.
( 45 )
VII.
MB., AFTERWARDS SIR T. STAMFORD RAFFLES.
" A few days after this the news came that the English
intended to attack Java, and it was about two or three
months from the arrival of such a rumour, that Mr.
Baffles (afterwards Sir Stamford Raffles) unexpectedly
arrived with his wife, accompanied by an English clerk
called Mr. Merlin, also a Malay writer called Ibrahim,
a country-bom Kling of Pulo Penang. So Mr. Raffles
stayed at Malacca at the Banda Iliar quarter, in the
plantation of the Capitan China, named Baba Chang-
lang, and he brought with him numerous European
goods, such as boxes of guns and pistols, satin cloth
of great value, and prints with plain flowers, and many
implements of which I had never seen the like. Also
woollen cloth of soft texture, with clocks and watches,
and paper for writing letters thereon to Malay princes,
on which were printed flowers of gold and silver, besides
many articles intended as presents to them. Then on
a certain day came the writer called Ibrahim, to tell
of the intention of Mr. Raffles, as to his engaging
another; also that he desired to buy Malay writings
with histories of former times, and to ask those who
had them to bring them to his house.
Now, at that time there was my uncle, whose name
was Ismail Libbey, who had a most beautiful hand,
46 HAXATIT ABDULLA.
also another uncle, named Mahomed Latip ; these were
at once engaged as writers, and I also went along
with them daily to write, and another person, a com-
panion of mine, called Tumbie Ahmed bin Merikan, a
country-born Kling. And the object of the engagements
was for the copying of histories or the writing of letters
for post, or for considering the idioms of the Malay
language; also poems of various kinds. Each in their
departments.
And when I first saw Mr. Raffles, he struck me as
being of middle stature, neither too short nor too tall.
His brow was broad, the sign of large heartedness ; his
head betokened his good understanding ; his hair
being fair betokened courage ; his ears being large
betokened quick hearing ; his eyebrows were thick, and
his left eye squinted a little ; his nose was high ; his
cheeks a little hollow ; his lips narrow, the sign of
oratory and persuasiveness ; his mouth was wide ; his
neck was long ; and the colour of his body was not
purely white ; his breast was well formed ; his waist
slender ; his legs to proportion, and he walked with a
slight stoop.
Now, I observed his habit was to be always in deep
thought. He was most courteous in his intercourse
with all men. He always had a sweet expression
towards European as well as native gentlemen. He
was extremely affable and liberal, always commanding
one's best attention. He spoke in smiles. He also was
an earnest enquirer into past history, and he gave up
nothing till he had probed it to the bottom. He loved
most to sit in quietude, when he did nothing else but
write or read ; and it was his usage, when he was
either studying or speaking, that he would see no one
till he had finished. He had a time set apart for each
duty, nor would he mingle one with another. Further,
MB., AFTERWARDS SIR T. STAMFORD RAFFLES. 47
in the evenings, after tea, be would take ink, pen, and
paper, after the candles had been lighted, reclining
with closed eyes in a manner that I often took to be
sleep ; but in an instant he would be up, and write for
awhile till he went to recline again. Thus he would
pass the night, till twelve or one, before he retired
to sleep. This was his daily practice. On the next
morning he would go to what he had written, and
read it while walking backwards and forwards, when,
out of ten sheets, probably he would only give three or
four to his copying clerk to enter into the books, and
the others he would tear up. Such was his daily habit.
He kept four persons on wages, each in their peculiar
departments : one to go to the forests in search of
various kinds of leaves, flowers, fungi, pulp, and such
like products. Another he .sent to collect all kinds of
flies, grasshoppers, bees, in all their varieties, as well
as scorpions, centipedes, and such like, giving him
needles as well as pins with a box to stick the crea-
tures therein. Another he sent with a basket to seek
for coral, shells, oysters, mussels, cockles, and such like ;
also fishes of various species ; and another to collect
animals, such as birds, jungle fowl, deer, stags, moose-
deers, and so forth. Then he had a large book with
thick paper, whose use was for the keeping of the leaves
and flowers. And when he could not put them there,
he had a Chinese Macao painter, who was good at
painting fruit and flowers to the life, these he set
him to copy. Again, he kept a barrel full of arrack, or
brandy, and when he had got snakes, scorpions, centi-
pedes, or such like, he would put them into it till they
were dead, before putting them in bottles. This occupa-
tion astonished the people of Malacca, and many people
profited from going to search for the living creatures
that exist in the sky and the earth, sea or land, town
48 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
or country ; whether they flew or crawled, whether they
sprouted or grew out of the earth, it was as above
related. Further, people brought books of Malayan
history to the number of many hundreds, so as to
nearly finish the national literature. They brought
them from all parts, owing to the good price given.
Thus were sold two or three hundred books, also divers
poems, pantuns, and such like. At that time the
histories stored up in Malacca were nearly exhausted,
being sold by the people ; and what were only to be
borrowed, these he had copied.
Thus, daily, people brought various kinds of animals
and moths which are seldom seen by men, such as
Javanese butterflies. Then came presents from the Raja
of Sambas, in the shape of a mawas, — which white men
call orang outang, — a young tiger, birds, and other kinds
of brutes from various countries. So he put trowsers on
the mawas, with coat and hat complete, which made it as
like a little man as possible, and he let it go, when it
soon became apparent that its habits were those of man-
kind, the only fault being that it could not speak. And
when I was engaged writing, it would come so softly up
to the table that you would not perceive its footsteps,
just like apes and monkeys ; then it would slowly take the
pen up to its neck, and when I told the animal to put the
pen down, down it would put it. The belly of the mawas
was large, but when the animal was sitting it puckered
up like that of a sick person. So I asked of it, "What
ails you ? when it held its stomach, as if it understood
my language; but this by instinct only. There were
a pair, male and female, but after they had been in
Malacca for four or five months, the female died. After
this the male had all the appearance of a man in
sorrow; it left off its food, and in a few days also died,
and I was much touched at this, seeing that even
Ml;., AFTERWARDS SIR T. STAMFORD RAFFLES. 40
brutes had such affection as between the sexes, and
especially should we men take an example by this.
Afterwards he had a great many beasts and lards, each
with their cages.
Now, Mr. Raffles took great interest in looking into
the origin of nations, and their manners and customs
of olden times, examining what would elucidate the
same. He was especially quick in the uptake of
Malay with its variations. He delighted to use the
proper idioms as the natives do ; he was active in
studying words and their place in phrases, and not
until we had told him would he state that the English
had another mode. It was his daily labour to order
post letters to the various Malay countries to support
their good understanding with his nation, and increase
the bond of friendship — this with presents and agreeable
words. This gained the good will of the various Rajas,
who returned the compliment with respect and thanks,
and moreover with presents. There also came a great
many presents of books from various countries.
Now, Mr. Eafrles's disposition was anything but covet-
ous, for, in whatever undertakings or projects he had in
view, he grudged no expense so that they were accom-
plished. Thus his intentions had rapid consummation.
There were numbers of people always watching about
his house, ready to seek for whatever he wanted, to sell
to him or take orders ; so that they might obtain profit.
Thus loads of money came out of his chest daily, in
buying various things, or in paying wages. I also
perceived that he hated the habit of the Dutch who
lived in Malacca of running down the Malays, and they
detested him in return ; so much so that they would not
sit down beside him. But Mr. Raffles loved always to
be on good terms with the Malays, the poorest could
speak to him ; and while all the great folks in Malacca
E
50 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
carue to wait on him daily, whether Malays or Euro-
peans, yet they could not find out his object of coming
there — his ulterior intentions. But it was plain to me
that in all his sayings and doings there was the intelli-
gence of a rising man, together with acuteness. And if
my experience be not at fault there was not his superior
in this world in skill or largeness of heart.
Again, on a certain day, as Mr. Baffles was speaking
to his writer, regarding the answer to a letter from the
Raja of Sambas, there suddenly came a Malay with six
durians, with the hope that he would get them sold. So
the smell of them reached the interior of the house as
he stood at the door, and was sniffed by Mr. Baffles, on
which he held his nose and made off upstairs. The
people were astonished at this, not knowing his distaste
to the smell of the fruit. On this he instantly called a
sepoy, who was on the watch, asking, ' Who brought these
durians ? Show me that Malay.' So he was immediately
ejected, with an injunction to the sepoy not to allow
durians to be brought there again ; and from that day
no one dare bring a durian to his house. This was the
first time I knew of Mr. Baffles' peculiarity in this
respect, that not to eat the fruit alone, but to smell it
even was most obnoxious to him. And as he went
below again, he remarked that he was taken ill with
headache from the smell of durians, adding, ' It is most
nauseous eating.' So we all smiled at this instance of
the differences of habit, which makes others long for a
taste of this fruit, so much so as to be a passion with
them.
Now, on a certain evening, as I was about to go home,
Mr. Baffles palled to me saying, ' Inchi, come and take
a walk with me, as I want to see a Malay school.' On
this I went out with him, and got upon his carriage and
proceeded along with him towards Trunquera; and
MR., AFTERWARDS SIR T. STAMFORD RAFFLES. 51
■when we had arrived at the house of Libhy Abdulranark,
■we entered. Here we saw that three boys had been
punished : one by a chain round his waist, the end
being nailed to the end of a beam, and which he was
required to carry : the other with a chain only, with
which he had to stud}*- : and the other he had tied in
a hanging posture. Then said Mr. Raffles, ' Why, 0
Inchi, has the schoolmaster put chains on these
children? this is a very bad custom; try and ask him.'
So I ashed of him, to which he replied that they had
run away for eight days, and had now just been caught
and brought in by men from a place called Kandar,
a day's journey from this. ' The father of one of
them has paid one dollar for the service, and on this
account I am punishing him. As for this other boy, he
had deserted for two days, having climbed up a tree for
that time in the forest, and this is his punishment. As
for this one, all his lessons he has forgotten, and thus I
order him to read.' To this Mr. Raffles replied, 'If it is
so, you do right.' Again, Mr. Raffles asked why the
schoolmaster did not teach Malay. To this the school-
master replied, 'It is the boys' own fathers that have
ordered me to teach the Koran first ; and when the}" have
completed this, then can the}7 commence Malay. This is
our custom. Further, it is not the custom of this place
to maintain a school for the Malay language.' Then
said Mr. Raffles, 'Very good, 0 master ! I want to know
only ; don't be angry with me, 0 Guru.' So he said
good-bye, and went out. And as he was going, he said
to me, ' Is this truly the custom of the Malays, 0 Inchi? '
To this I replied, 'True, sir.' He then smiled and said,
'If I live I shall have a school set agoing for teaching
Malay. I am most anxious about this, as it is a
beautiful language ; further, it is of great utility.' So
he stepped into his carriage and returned home.
52 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
I observed of Mr. Raffles that bis constant pleasure was
to inquire into the condition of countries, their laws, the
circumstances of their upper classes, and the methods
of government. Also what the Malays liked best ; their
customs at marriage and death ; the names of the hills
and places in Malacca territory ; what were the pursuits
of the people ; what merchandise came out thereof ;
also he wished to find out whether the Malacca people
liked the government of the Dutch or English. In all
these things he made most diligent inquiries.
Then as to his wife, she was not an ordinary woman,
but was in every respect co-equal with her husband's
position and responsibilities ; bearing herself with pro-
priety, politeness, and good grace. She was very fond
of studying the Malay language, saying, What is this in
Malay? and what that? also, whatever she saw she wrote
down, and, whatever her husband intended to under-
take, or when buying anything, he always deferred to
her. Thus if it pleased his wife it pleased him.
Further, her alacrity in all work was apparent ; indeed,
she never rested for a moment, but she was always
busy, day after day. In this diligence which I observed
there is a very great distinction between the habits of
the natives (of Malayan countries) and the white people.
For it is the custom of the Malayan women, on their
becoming the wives of great people, to increase their
arrogance, laziness, and habitual procrastination.
Further, their talk is only of their own bigness, and
to their apprehension it is mean to do anything what-
ever, or to busy themselves in any way; thus all that
they do is to sit, sleep, or recline, or else order about
then slaves ; and as for the latter, all that they know is
how to serve up meals on their knees. In the mornings
they do not rise till ten or eleven, then they eat and
drink, and go again to sleep till evening. Thus it goes
ME., AFTERWARDS SIR T. STAMFORD RAFFLES. 53
till they have got the name of being old ; — thus
marriage is entered into with great men. But to look
at Mrs. Raffles, her hands and feet were in continual
motion, like chopping one Lit after another. Then
there was sewing, which was succeeded by writing; for
it is a real truth that I never saw her sleep at mid-day,
or even reclining for the sake of ease, but always at
work with diligence, as day follows day. This the
Almighty knows also. And if I am not wrong in the
conclusion that I have arrived at, these are the signs of
good sense and understanding which qualify for the
undertaking of great deeds. Thus her habits were
active ; so much so, that in fact she did the duty of
her husband ; indeed, it was she that taught him. Thus
God had matched them as king and counsellor, or as a
ring with its jewels. Thus it was fit that she should be
a pattern and friend to those who live after her time.
Such were her habits and deportment as above related,
and of which I have composed a pantun as below.
Puyoh pnyoh gunan nama nia,
Dedalam qualam gunan tamput nia ;
Chante manis barung lakunia,
Serta dingau budi basa nia.
Dedalam qualam gunan tamput nia,
De pigek nlih Laksi mana ;
Chante manis barung lakunia,
Serta dingan bijak sana.
"Which may be translated thus : —
The quail 'tis certain is the name,
The pool 'tis certain is its place :
Beautiful and sweet indeed his mein,
Combined -with charming wit and grace.
The pool 'tis certain is its place,
Her loving chief her only guard ;
Sweet indeed her mein with grace,
While prudence claims its best reward.
54 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
For especially do we see in those men who have taken
wives to themselves — if the husband wants to go up the
wife wants to go down ; the husband calls a thing white,
then the wife calls it black. Thus they "wrangle from
day to day, fighting with each other like cats and dogs.
There are others who, because of their beauty, tread the
husband beneath their feet ; thus to their idea God is
very distant from the position of women of their quality.
Nay, apart from their disregard of then obligations as
wiles, they do not even consider it necessary to behave
as friends to their husbands. On this subject I have
made the following pantun :
Apaka guna berkein batck
Kalan tada dingan suchi nia ?
Apaka guna berbini chante,
Kalan tada dingan budi nia ?
Kalan tada dingan suchi nia
Pakeian Jawa de ruma nia ;
Kalan tada dingan budi nia,
Iawkan dirimu deri pada nia.
Which may be translated as under : —
What is the use of printed robes
If filth and dirt abound ?
To wed to beauty what's the use,
Where virtue is not found ?
If squalid filth and dirt abound
In robes of Java's make ;
Where gracious virtue is not found
'Sunder let the union break.
Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles was probably the most
prominent Englishman in the Indian Archipelago at the
commencement of this century, as he was the main
instrument in perfecting arrangements for the conquest
of Java, an island at that time containing about
5,000,000 of inhabitants, and of which he was after-
MR., AFTERWARDS SIR STAMFORD RAFFLES. DO
wards the Governor. His life was written by Lis widow,
from which we learn that he was born at sea, on tin 5th
July, 1781. His early education was imperfect, and he
entered as a clerk at the India House when only fifti i a
years of age, and where it is stated by his biographer
that he showed much talent and industry. After this
he was appointed Under Secretary to the new government
of Pulo Penang, or Prince of Wales Island, where he
devoted his attention to studying the Malay language.
Here he was soon appointed as Chief Secretary, but
intense application brought on serious illness, owing to
which he was compelled to go to Malacca in 1808 for
the recovery of his health. During his stay he mixed
with the natives congregating from all parts of the
Indian Archipelago ; and in 1809 he published his first
essay on the Malayan nation, which attracted the notice
of Lord Minto, at that time Governor-General of India,
who sent for him to Calcutta, and was anxious to put
him in charge of the government of the Moluccas.
It was in 1808, therefore, that Mr. Raffles came under
the observation of our native autobiographer, who would
be eleven or twelve years of age. The personal descrip-
tion that he gives of the Indian statesman is said to be
excellent ; but I can only judge of it by the bust by
Chantre}7 which I have seen in the Singapore Institu-
tion, wThich supports the written picture. He himself
probably little thought that he had so apt a sketcher
as the little native boy in his office. Mr. PiafHes un-
doubtedly had the faculty of attaching his subordinates
closely to him, as I have often heard Old Burrows, one
of them, relate.
Malacca presents an excellent field for the study and
admiration of natural history. The plumage of the
birds especially is magnificent ; but even the sea, in its
fishes, displays not less gorgeous colours. "When I was
56 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
engaged with the erection of the Horsburgh Lighthouse
at Pedra Branca, I was particularly struck with this fact.
As the building rose we could see further into the
waters that surrounded us. During neap tides the water
was perfectly clear, and displayed in its bosom numerous
fish, of various species, playing about the rocks and
corals. A beautiful green species particularly attracted
our attention from the splendour of its tints : the colours
of the others were various, — purple, blue, and yellow,
with other brilliant hues, were not uncommonly seen
to adorn the finny tribes; others were spotted and
striped.
Abdulla notices the evident political movements of Mr.
Eaffles's sojourn at Malacca, which his hatred of the
Dutch portended ; but the latter appears to us, at this
distance, unworthy of the man, and unbecoming towards
a kindred and Protestant nation. Yet we must not mis-
judge on this point, for at that time the Dutch had
sided with a great rival against our nation, and held
the most powerful sway in insular India.
The durian fruit mentioned by Abdulla is famous in
those parts, and much esteemed for its flavour by
natives and initiated Europeans; yet the odour of it
is most obnoxious to new comers, indeed, detestable.
So much is it liked by the Malays, that they take
voyages of hundreds of miles to obtain it, and when
I was surveying the east coast of the Malay peninsula,
I found numbers of Orang Laut, or sea gypsies, frequent-
ing the little island of Pulo Tingi, where there are
groves.
The account of the visit to the schoolmaster is in-
teresting as showing the state and object of education
amongst Mahomedan Malays, and the narrow limits
within which it is imparted. On the part of the Arabs,
who are the most influential class, education in its real
HE., AFTEIUYARDS SIR STAMFORD RAFFLES. hi
sense would not be given to the Malays from policy, as
intelligence in the people would frustrate their moral
power.
Here we learn the everyday doings of Mr. Raffles
while he was preparing his essay on the Malay nation.
If the real truth was known, the natives care as little
for the English as the Dutch, and would be glad to get
rid of both, till anarchy made regular government
agreeable again.
The account of Mrs. Raffles is a photographic likeness
of a woman I fail to remember to have seen mentioned
in the life of Sir Stamford by his widow ; however, in
the foregoing translation she is reproduced as full as
life. I have often heard her spoken of by an old friend
who was the cotemporary of Raffles ; and a beautiful
hill in Penang yet bears her name — Mount Olivia.
Further, in the works of the Admirable Crichton of
the Far East, viz., Dr. Leyden, there are some verses
inscribed to her. Thus she existed, though ignored.
She seems to have also inspired Abdulla's muse. Under
her influence he is quite poetical. Altogether, Raffles's
first wife seems to have been an excellent woman, and
had more to do with the elevation of her husband than
has been recorded. Abdulla's similes are clever, and
his admiration well founded.
Why Mr. Raffles, a poor, half-educated clerk, should
have been promoted suddenly to a position that would
give a salary of £'2400 a year (knowing the mercenary
nature of the Leadenhall Street Directors) was always an
.anomaly to me, till I had the cause explained, and which
I will repeat in as gentle a manner as possible. The fact
of the matter is, that young Raffles got a precious woman
to wife and a good salary from the same disposer of
patronage, whose name I need not mention. This gave
such umbrage to the ladies of Governor Dundas's suite,
58 HAKAYIT AEDULLA.
that both were sent to Coventry. Thus Nature, true to
her principles, in young Eaffles's humiliation opened the
road to his future elevation. Had he been carried away
by the gaieties of society he could never have studied the
native languages deeply, nor could he have mixed with
the chiefs so as to gain their confidence. What sym-
pathies he could not interchange with his own country-
men he perforce interchanged with them; and by this
means he established a position which a high and noble-
minded man like Lord Minto was not slow to appreciate-
Thus also was it with his wife. If ladies of her hus-
band's rank would not associate with her, the wives of
native chiefs would, and thus she gained in one way
what she lost in the other ; and by devoting her talents
to the cause of her husband, she was, as Abdulla very
beautifully expresses himself, the jewel in the ring.
Of the Malay pantun I must explain that the second
line of each verse is put first in the next. The Malays
are fond of this style of versification, and see more in it
than Europeans are able to appreciate. By way of
contrast, Abdulla gives us a pantun to a bad wife, not
a bad idea.
( 59 )
VIII.
THE JAVA EXPEDITION.— LORD MINTO AND
TEE TUANKU.
"Now Mr. Raffles bad stayed iu Malacca about four
months, sending letters with presents to all tbe Malay
princes, east and west, when came Tuanku Pangeran,
Raja of Siak, known as Tuanku Pengbma Besar, bis
name being Syed Hassin. But as to bis coming, whether
be bad been fetched by Mr. Baffles, or that be bad come
of bis own accord to see him, I have not learned. He
came to Malacca, bringing with him two sons ; and when
be arrived, Mr. Baffles received him with the greatest
consideration, placing a bouse and garden at Banda
Ilhar at his disposal, with attendants, carriages, and
horses. He never needed to walk, but either drove or
rode, visiting Mr. Baffles every other day, to converse,
and then returning to his place.
Now, at that time many Engbsh ships went to blockade
tbe island of Java, seizing all boats and vessels that
carried the Dutch flag, and bringing them to Malacca.
Then did people begin to surmise that the EngHsh were
at war with the Dutch, or about to commence it. At this
time one or two English ships bad arrived at Malacca,
bringing material for this war ; such as tents by the
hundred, carriages and the implements of cannon, guns
and powder, and such bke.
GO HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Then, on a certain da}', came Tuanku Penglima Besar
to converse with Mr. Baffles, who informed him of the
intention of the English to attack Java, mentioning the
difficulty of obtaining persons to carry letters to the
Susanan (native emperor) at Bantaram,* to tell him
the news and learn as to his mind about siding with the
Dutch or not. He also hinted that he would be very
glad if he could get any one to do this service. On this
Tuanku Penglima Besar rose up, and drawing his kris,
said with vehemence, ' What is the use of this kris ? As
long as I have strength, wherever you go I shall lead :
let me die before you. Write a letter, and I am the man
that will take it to the Susanan at Bantaram.' Now,
when Mr. Baffles heard what Tuanku Penglima Besar
said, his face brightened, and smiling, he thanked the
Tuanku, promising that the East India Company would
well reward him and assist him in any manner he
desired. So they grasped each other's hands by way of
clenching the agreement as to carrying the letter.
Now, there was at that time the son of some great
man in Java stopping in Malacca, at the Ujong Pasir
quarter, whose name was Pangeran, f he also was
friendly with Mr. Baffles. So Mr. Baffles called him,
on which he came directly. He went over the whole
subject with him ; when the Pangeran replied, ' I would
undertake to open a road to the Susanan were it not
for the numerous English vessels that watch every port
of Java ; on this account there is no getting out nor in ;
and further, the Dutch are very vigilant at the river
entries, and were they to find such a letter on me, to a
certainty they would hang me without another thought.'
Then replied Mr. Baffles, ' Don't be afraid, Pangeran, on
that account, for I will give you a note in case of your
meeting any English vessels at sea, and when you show
* Mataram. •)■ Pangeran is a title, not a name.
THE JAVA EXPEDITION.— LOUD MINTO AND THE TUANKU. 01
it they are bound to assist you; farther, they will be
bound to show you a place where you can land and the
Tuanku Penglima Besar can take the letter.' bo when
the Pangeran had heard what Mr. Raffles said, he said
< That will do.' Then said Mr. Raffles, < Come this night
to my house, when we can compose the letter to be sent ;
for this work is one of importance and cannot be
delayed, for in four or five days hence many ships will
arrive here, and in fifteen days more the ships carrying
Lord Minto and the General of the Madras army, bo
the Pangeran replied, 'Very good;' when he returned to
Uion- Pasir. Then said Mr. Raffles to Tuanku Penglima
Besa?, 'Could you go in my vessel two days hence?' to
which he assented; so he also returned to Ins house.
Then when evening had arrived he again called the
Pangeran, and when he had come he told him to com-
pose a letter which he desired to send to the Susanan
at Bantaram, in the Javanese language. So he did
accordingly, being engaged at it till about twelve o clock.
So this was duly prepared, Mr. Raffles placing his sig-
nature and stamp to it, together with the present,
of various sorts, to the value of five or six hundred
Spanish dollars. On this the Pangeran returned homy.
Then in the morning Tuanku Penglima Besar was again
sent for, and on his arrival Mr. Raffles gave him lour
hundred Spanish dollars for the expenses of himself and
companions ; and the vessel having been got ready they
prepared to sail, taking with them all the men of Siak
that they had brought, also the two sons of the Tuanku.
Mr. Raffles now gave them three boxes and another two
hundred Spanish dollars, having instructed them m
every matter, at the same time arming them witii a
letter, mitten in the English language, to show to any
ships of that country which they might fall in with,
whose assistance would thus be commanded. He further
G2 HAKAYIT ABDfLLA.
enjoined that it was to be understood that Tuanku
Penglima Besar was to be the captain of the vessel,
whom the Pangeran was to obey ; and they both were
to arrange, under any circumstances, to bring word back
before the fleet left Malacca for Java. ' This is for Lord
Minto's information,' said Mr. Baffles; 'so return as
quickly as possible ; don't anchor at sea, nor tarry any-
where.' Thus, after then provisions were all ready, on
the morrow, at 6 a.m., the vessel sailed. Mr. Baffles
and Colonel Farquhar conveyed Tuanku Penglima Besar
and the Pangeran to the shore, and both shaking hands
they bid them farewell ; so they embarked and sailed.
But I will now leave this matter for a time and
proceed to relate about the English fleet collecting at
Malacca before going on to attack Java. After the vessel
of the Tuanku had left, in about five days, there came
to Malacca about three or four vessels daily, and after-
wards six or seven. All these carried Bengal lascars
and sepoys, with a great many high people: these
erected then tents from Lambongan as far as Tanjong
Kling, this without break, each with their entrances.
And amongst these were various races of Hindoos and
Mussulmen ; and I saw others, who ate like dogs, to wit,
they licked their food with their tongues; while there
were others who, on being seen eating, would throw the
food away, and chase you as if they would kill you, they
were so angry. There were others who only half
heated the food, and eat it there covered with perspira-
tion, as if bathing in it. And when they had eaten they
buried the rice and curry that was over in the sand.
And there were others who tied three strands of thread
round their belly before they ate, nor did they stop
eating till the thread had broken. There were others
who took white and red earth and smeared it on their
breasts, with three stripes on their arms and brow;
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LOUD JUNTO AND TIIE TUANKU. 63
then they bowed themselves in front, then to the right
and to the left, then to the back, when off they ran into
the sea up to their navels, and worshipped the sun
for some time, turning their faces to the right and to
the left. Then they came ashore, and went to eat
within white cloth screens, so that no one could see them
at meals. But if persons should happen to see them,
they would cast out then- food and break the earthen
vessels in pieces, buying others for the next time.
Others there were who could eat before people, but they
could not speak; but their mouths kept repeating the
cjomita kamita (?) and their fingers kept counting while
they were eating, nor could they stir from this position.
I saw many other foolish customs. Others there were
who could not taste fish and flesh, or things of blood,
but only vegetables. How many forms of people did I
then not see, and kinds of dresses that I had never in
my life seen before. And it was to be perceived that the
English had provided then leaders with different dresses,
some had tigers' skins for coats, others had hats covered
with fowls' feathers dyed red, white, or black ; while
others had beasts' skins for trowsers; there were also
others who had clothes spotted like leopards. Also at that
time I had an opportunity of inspecting various kinds
of tents; some were like houses, with their sleeping
chambers, and rooms furnished with tables and chairs,
also doors and windows, bath-house and water-closet, all
of cloth ; others were contrived so as to be red inside
and white outside, decorated with various flowering.
Now, their daily routine, morning and night, was to
drill them in companies ; others to fire cannon, and in
rank and file to use musketry. Again, others to draw
cannon with big bullocks ; and much was I astonished to
see them fire the great guns close to the ears of these
bullocks, as they did neither start nor move in the
64 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
slightest. And when the officers ordered the sepoys to
run, the bullocks also ran with them ; and when halt
was cried, they also halted at the same moment ; and if
the men went at slow pace, they also did the same, as
if they had the intelligence of mankind. Now, this
brought some thoughts into my head. Here were brutes,
that had no reason in them, yet how did they learn ;
especially then should we (who have reason given to us
to know bad from good, but who love to sit in idleness,
and refuse to learn anything of wisdom or utility) do
likewise.
Again, after a few days came a very large ship,
carrying troops to the number of 300 men. These
were all Mussulmen, under three English officers. So
they landed, and were quartered at Banda Illiar, in the
garden of Mr. Adrian Kock. Many people went to see
them, myself amongst the rest ; and I saw them being
exercised by their officers in the middle of the open
ground, all on horseback, and then- horses were of the
Arab breed, standing high, and of the same colour of
hair and beauty. And the men were alike of great height
and build, and all decorated ; their coats, trowsers, and
hats being pearly, each having a musket slung from
behind, with a cartridge box attached to the left side,
also a forage bag hung to his shoulder, and two pistols in
the saddle locked. And when he mounted, there were
two skirts of leather binding his waist, so that he might
not fall, for he did not have much grasp of any bridle,
the horses being so well trained. They raced their horses
as if they were flying ; and neither did they fall and rise
in the firing of their guns, and re-loading, or in cutting
with the sword. In the first place, their officer taught
them this, not by the mouth but by the trumpet in the
hand. And as he wished he sounded by the trumpet,
when all the horses raced with a swiftness equal to
TIIE JAVA EXPEDITION". — LORD MINTO AND TIIE TUANKU. G5
lightning. Then he would sound the halt, when each
horse would halt at the same moment in close line. The
sound would he again for the horses to separate, when
they would form a true square, as if they had heen a fort.
Then would he another blast, when the men would fire
at once, as if they were one. Then they would all load
again. At another hlast they would sling their muskets
and draw their swords. Then the trumpet would again
be sounded, and they would go full speed up the hill,
surrounding it, so as to have the appearance of a fort.
Then would come the wood-cutters, ready with ropes
round their waists, with the view to tie the wood after it
was cut down ; each would then carry a bundle, and in
this manner soon make all clear in front of the troops.
Then the trumpet would sound, when all the cavalry
would rush down, like the sound of the hurricane, to
range themselves round then- officers, who were also on
horsehack.
Now, I was much more astonished at the intelligence
of the horses than I was at that of the bullocks which
drew the cannon ; for the former obeyed the sound of the
trumpet as if they had been spoken to, and this without
a slip, however great the distance ; neither did the rider
guide with the bridle, but ■ the horses manoeuvred by
their own intelligence. Further, the horses of the
officers were higher than those of the sepoys; and
when they had done drilling, and were returning, they
did not take the horses through the gates, but leaped
the fence, which was seven cubits high* (ten and a half
English feet). This was the case daily. And the Malacca
people in hundreds came every day to see this feat, and
to witness the officers leaping the fence, loud were they
in their cries of astonishment at seeing the skill of
the horses — equal as it was to that of mankind — in
* Oriental hyperbole.
F
06 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
understanding the sound of the trumpet. Says one,
This is not men's but jins' work. Further, the sepoys
were well acquainted with the reading of the Koran,
understanding the Arab language, and especially Hindo-
stanee. And amongst them were many descendants of
the Arabs of the race of Syeds. They were gracious
and manly and courteous. And I asked them how the
English had got hold of them ; when they informed me
that they were from Delhi, the Nabob's men, and the
English having asked for their services, the Nabob had
sent them. Then they added, ' We are three hundred, but
we have left behind many thousands, all horsemen as
we are.' Then I asked, ' What wage do you get ?' when
they told me that the Nabob's allowance to each of them
was 300 rupees monthly, and that the English allowed
them the same, but with a further proviso that if they
should take Java they were to have prize-money besides.
Three days after this there came six large vessels, and
in one of these was the General of Madras ; and when it
had anchored, they saluted him from the fort. And
immediately there were brought into Malacca about one
thousand rank and file of sepoys from Lambongan and
Kalambri, preceded by drums, fifes, etc., playing. And
when they had arrived they were arranged in three lines
on the right and left of the street, from the sea-shore
to the Government House. On this the General dis-
embarked, when I had an opportunity of seeing his
mightiness. His face was long and red, his body was
stumpy, of half the usual height of men. He wore a
long black coat, with a star on his breast. There were
four or five gentlemen with him. Then Mr. Baffles,
Colonel Farquhar, and other leading men of Malacca,
shook hands with him with due respect, and just as his
feet touched the shore the guns were fired, and the
guard of honour presented arms as he proceeded to the
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LORD MINTO AND THE TUANKU. C7
Government House. And when he looked to the right
and the left he perceived the multitude saluting him, at
which he bowed on either side ; and when he was about
to ascend the stairs, the guard of honour fired three
times in succession, with a sound as if the earth of
Malacca were topsy-turvy. After this all returned to
their homes.
Five or six days after this came the General from
Bombay, who also was saluted from the fort ; and when
he came on shore he was also received by Mr. Raffles
as in the manner above related, only he had fewer guns
given him than the Madras General got. His appear-
ance was that of a short person, with a round face, hair
white, body of moderate proportions ; but he seemed
nervous at the crowd gazing on him. Him also Mr.
Raffles saluted and carried to the Government House ;
and as he stepped in, the regiments also fired as before,
and then returned to their tents. Thus it went on
daily, vessels continually arriving, to the number of four
or five, till the anchorage was filled, like a fence of
masts. This created a great rise in the price of provi-
sions: three eggs for two wangs (about one shilling), one
fowl for a rupee, while vegetables and fish were not
to be had ; the mud fish in the creeks, in all their
filthiness, were thus finished.
And at that time, with the people of Malacca, the
poor spoke as the poor, and the rich spoke as the rich,
each in their own degrees in making their livings.
Also at that time not a woman stirred out of her house,
for the streets were defiled with men ; some were
drunk, others were fighting. The pings (?) were kept
constantly busy in taking up drunkards ; for at that time
peons or policemen were not known, but only the
fiscal's officials, called pings (?). All the drunkards were
sent to their places. And at that time no dollars or
68 • HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
other kinds of coin were to be seen, but Sicca rupees
only, and all these newly coined. And the Hindoo
sepoys died in great numbers, because when at sea they
would not touch rice, but only cocoa-nut kernel and
sugar : so on their debarkation on tasting rice they were
taken with bowel complaints : thus they died day by
day. They had also another custom, which was to
bathe before meals. They had many other complaints
in them, faintnesses and swellings.
Two or three days after this, a ship was espied at a
great distance, painted black, having a certain signal at
the mast head ; and when this had been made out by the
various ships of the fleet, they all hoisted their colours,
so also did the signal station on the top of the hill.
This stirred Malacca, the news being that Lord Minto
had arrived ; and it was soon discovered that his ships
had pennants. There now went out an order for every
one to clean their frontages in all the streets. Then
thousands, of all races, collected at the sea-shore to have
a sight of him and his dress, his name being so great.
After this a great noise was heard of the regiments coming
in full force from Lambongan, Kalebang Kitchil, and
Kalebang Besar, Batang Tiga Libri, and Tanjong Kling,"
these with the music of drums and fifes and other-
instruments, such as trumpets, mingling with the sound
of the tramp of the men, all the sepoys and officers being
clothed in new dresses which shone under the rays of the
sun. And the length of the army was an hour's walking
without break, and the men were four and eight deep,
all in scarlet. And the multitude in Malacca increased
so greatly, that there was no knowing who they were,
but that they were of the human race. Now the
regiments arranged themselves in three lines, from the
sea-shore to the Government House. Soon after this
was heard the sound of trumpets from Banda Hilar,
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LORD MINTO AND THE TUANKU. GO
with the coming of the cavalry with their officers,
which were arranged outside of the foot regiments.
Now there was a pinnace of the East India Company,
which was decorated with a flag on its prow, and its
crew were all in red coats and trowsers. In this went
Mr. Baffles, Colonel Farquhar, and other leading men,
to pay then- respects to Lord Minto. And in about an
hour's time he descended; and at the time of his
leaving his ship the cannon roared like thunder, with-
out ceasing for near two or three horns. The sea
became dark with smoke. In a short time the pinnace
arrived at land, where all the officers with their regi-
ments were waiting, and on his stepping ashore cannons
were fired from the hill.
And when I had seen the appearance and circum-
stance of Lord Minto, I was much moved ; for I guessed
in my mind as to his appearance, position, and height,
that these would be great, and his dress gorgeous. I
then thought of the Malay proverb : ' If you want news
as to form, bite your fore-finger.' But his appearance
was of one who was middle-aged, thin in body, of soft
manners, and sweet countenance ; and I felt that he
^couldnot carry twenty cutties (about thirty pounds), so
slow were his motions. His coat was black cloth,
trowsers the same, nor was there anything peculiar. And
when the leading men desired to pay their respects they
remained at a distance, none daring to grasp his hand ;
but they took off their hats and bent then- bodies. And
the officers called out to all their men to present arms,
by way of honour. And when he landed he bowed to the
right and the left, then slowly walked up the centre
between the files, the cannon roaring all the time ; nor
-did he cease bowing with his hands as related before.
Now, he had not the remotest appearance of pomposity
■or lofty-headedness ; but there was real modesty, with
70 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
kindly expression. And all that were there paid their
respects to him while he waited for a little, raising his
hands and returning the compliment to the poor of the
Malays, Chinese, filings, and Portuguese ; and this he
did with many smiles. Then did the hearts of these
slaves of God open, asking for many blessings on
this good sight and the loved of the people. Then
thought I of the truth of the Malay proverb, to the
effect, if the snake skirts (a bamboo root), it does not
lose its venom, but increases it. As the Chinese proverb
says, ' Is the water at the top not heaved by the water in
the middle of the barrel ? it is that which moves it.' So
especially are great men in this age like one who lays
a table ; he has no office, but his haughtiness is so great,
that when a poor man bows to him, even for three or
four times, he does not see him. And if he has a carriage
to sit in, his pride is beyond all description, he has got a
rise. As say the children, ' If a monkey get a flower, of
what use is it but to be torn in pieces and thrown to the
earth ?' Say the Malays, ' High as the storks fly, they at
last come to sit on a buffalo's back.' So it is the case,
with the greatest of men, his end is to go under ground.
But I beg most humble pardon of those great people just
mentioned, if gentlemen read this my autobiography
during my lifetime, and to assure them that I do not for
a moment entertain such thoughts from spite or bad
feeling, but only because it is our usage in our short
days in this world to call that good, which is good, and
that bad which is bad; as the Malays say, 'A dead
tiger leaves its stripes, but a dead elephant leaves its
bones.' Thus do men leave their names to those who
come after them. So I return to the subject of Lord
Minto.
Then after a short time, having returned the salutes
of the people, he walked on slowly, bowing his head, till
THE JAVA EXPEDITION.— LORD MINTO AND THE TUANKU. 71
he had arrived at the Government House, and ascended.
Then all the leading men of Malacca followed him, to wait
on him ; hut of those Mr. Raffles was the only one who
dare approach close to him ; as for the others, they stood
at some distance, and having presented themselves they
retired, the regiments then fired three salutes and
returned to their camp. Then, as the day advanced,
Lord Minto first went to the debtors' prison, as well as
to that of the malefactors. Some had been imprisoned
for three years, others for six or seven months. And
when he had arrived, and the doors had been opened,
all the prisoners came forward, some prostrating them-
selves before his feet, others weeping, all making their
plaints. On this the jailer came to keep them back,
but he was requested not to do so ; for when his lordship
had seen the condition of the suppliants his eyes were
bathed in tears, and he spoke to them in Hindostanee,
saying, ' Don't be afraid ; I will soon let you go.' On
this they were delighted, and worshipped at his feet :
they felt as they had now become princes. So he re-
turned to the Government House.
Now Colonel Farquhar, with the jailer, soon after
this arrived at the jail with the pings (?) and constables,
carrying the keys to open the doors, when he cried out,
saying, ' All of you come out, for Lord Minto has ordered
it.' So they were all astir, and poured out with ex-
pressions of thanks, and asking benedictions on him
that the Almighty would give him long life and make
him victorious over all his enemies ; and as he has thus
leniently dealt with us for our faults, so may God relieve
him in the pains of hell.
On the morrow Lord Minto next went to see the dark
dungeon, and when he arrived he viewed the various
instruments for torturing people, also the site of the
scaffold, the stocks, the site for the gallows, and the
72 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
several implements left here since the time of the
Dutch. And when he had done looking at all these,
he gloomed heavily, and spitting, said to the keeper,
' Take them below and burn the whole of them ; let not one
remain.' Then in a jiffy the convicts of the East India
Company were brought in to remove the implements,
when they were placed near the foot of the hill and
burnt.
After this Lord Minto went to see the dark prison, and
there he found three men confined, who had committed
grave crimes — these even he let out, ordering at the same
time that the dark cells should be demolished, and that
a better gaol, such as stands at present, should be built ;
and as to the comparison between them, it is as earth
and sky, for the old jail had no openings, nor even a
place to sit down on, or to sleep upon, but only the bare
earth. Day and night were all the same, and it was a
great receptacle for filth, and those who were put in it
were put into such a place as hell is. But the present
one has twenties of windows and lattices, secured by
iron-work, and the insides of the floors are made of flat
tiles, divided into apartments, as in other houses ; there
are also sleeping places, with numbers of lamps kept
lighted, the only annoyance being that the prisoners
cannot go out when they wish ; and their wives and
children can come to see them there. On this account
most people say that the jail is a beautiful one, for men
like to be put in it, and have no fear of it, as this is no
punishment. But my notion is this : that such sayings
are by people who have not thought the subject out,
for, to their idea, can people be afraid of punishment?
It appears to me that this is the instinct and disposition
of those who have no heart for their fellow-creatures.
Now do not punish, for the incarceration is sufficient.
Is it not notorious that a jail is a place of infamy? and
,'
THE JAVA EXPEDITION.— LORD MEn'TO AND THE TUANKU. 73
this incarceration in itself is a punishment on the slaves
of God ; .and if, in addition, one feels that they were
wrong, it is equal to death itself.
And on a certain evening Lord Minto took a walk as
far as the residence of Mr. Baffles, to see the garden.
And immediately he arrived, Mr. Baffles descended to
welcome him ; and when they came into the room where
we were all employed writing, we rose to pay our
respects, and as he was passing near my desk I retired,
as I was the smallest there, to wit the youngest. On this
he took me by the hand, saying in the language of
Hindostan, ' Are you well ? ' and I felt his hand that it
was as soft as a child of one year old. He then in-
spected my writing, the nature of the letters, and in
a little he ordered me to write ; and tapping my arm,
lie asked, with a smile, how I could write so quickly,
because of the writing being from right to left ; further,
he added, ' It would be well if you were to learn English.'
To which I replied, ' I would be delighted to learn
English, sir.' After this he ascended the house and was
introduced to Mrs. Raffles, on which he returned. But
Mr. Baffles went daily to see him at the Government
House. Now, as long as Lord Minto remained in
Malacca he took a round in his carriage every evening,
one day visiting the mosque, another the Chinese Joss-
house, another the Dutch and Portuguese churches; and
thus he went over the whole town, and wherever he was
met, by rich, poor, or low, they stopped to make their
bow, which in every case he returned, and on account
.of the frequency of his doing so, he kept his hand con-
tinuously to his hat, he could not put it on. ^ He held
it in his hand, owing to these constant greetings, with
good-hmnour and courtesy, without the slightest shade
of pomposity either in his manner or dress. His attend-
ants were dressed as gentlemen, with silk umbrellas,*
74 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
■watches, and ordinary clothes ; but many of them were
yery troublesome and oppressive in the markets, and
the dealers were afraid of them as being dependants
of a mighty person. In dealing with the people they
followed the custom of the dependants of Malay princes,
•who do as they like with the inhabitants, and where in
case of any one being killed, seven are devoted to death
by way of reparation. These do not know the excellence
of English customs. Don't mention great princes, for
they will not do wThat is improper ; for if they kill a man
(improperly), so do they kill their own laws; for on no
account can they allow by custom a single person to do
injury to another one, whether great or small, whether
prince or subject — all are equal in the sight of the law".
Yet it is bounden in us to do honour to the great : this
for his office only, and not because he is oppressive, or
covetous, or a maladministrator.
Now I will return to the affair of Tuanku Penglima
Besar, whom Mr. Raffles had ordered On a mission to
convey letters to Java, along with Pangeran, the son of
a man of influence. Three months had now passed
over since they went. The fleet had arrived at Malacca,
filling the anchorage ; and I may state that the ships lay
from Tanjong Kling to Pulo Panjang, in number one
hundred, great and small, besides numerous others
coming and going to the land of Java. Then there
came the man who watched the flag-staff, to Mr. Raffles,
saying, ' Sir, the schooner that you sent with Tuanku
Penglima Besar has returned.' This newrs delighted
him much, as the fleet was on the eve of its departure,
having prepared all the implements and provisions.
Soon after this the schooner anchored, when the Tuanku
Penglima Besar and the Pangeran landed and came
to the house of Mr. Raffles, carrying a letter enclosed
in yellow cloth. Mr. Raffles sat in expectation, and
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LORD MEs'TO AND THE TUANKU. 7o
when he saw them he extended his hand to them, giving
them every token of respect. Then said Mr. Raffles,
1 What news, oh Tuanku ; are you well ? ' Then said the
Tuanku, ' I am well, were it not that I had been nearly
stabbed, when two of my followers were killed as we
landed with the letter;'— the whole circumstances of
which he detailed to Mr. Raffles. Then said Mr. Raffles,
< Never mind ; the East India Company will fully reward
you for all your troubles ; and should we conquer Java, I
shall ask of Lord Minto to confer a government on you,
wherever you desire that should be. But what news does
the letter contain ? ' The letter was then brought out in
its yellow cloth. Then said Mr. Raffles, « Did you see
the Susanan yourself?' The Tuanku replied, 'I saw
him at night-time, when he told me that when the
English came to take Java, he would be ready to assist
them from the landward ; but he had little time to speak
to me, owing to the watchfulness of the Hollanders. And
when I had got the letter, there came people from the
Dutch to try and catch me ; when I fought with them,
two of my men being killed, and as to how many of
them were killed I could not know, as it was very dark.'
And as he was relating this the Pangeran was present
concurring. Then said Mr. Raffles, 'The East India
Company thank you greatly.' Leaving the letter, the
Tuanku departed for his house. The Pangeran also
returned, Mr. Raffles grasping the hands of each with
great respect as they went out.
Then when evening arrived, Mr. Raffles called the
Pangeran to read the letter, as he knew the Javanese
language ; so he came at once, when Mr. Raffles told
him to open the letter. And he read the complimen-
tary part, giving respect to the East India Company, and
good wishes to Mr. Raffles ; it also acknowledged the
receipt of Mr. Rames's letter, and, as requested, the
76 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
Susanan agreed to wait the coming of his friend (Mr.
Baffles), when he would assist froni the landward. And
when Mr. Raffles had heard the intent of the letter,
momentary misgiving was apparent ; and when it was
read, the Pangeran returned to his house. Then from
the time that Mr. Raffles had heard the sound of the
letter, he appeared as if he did not know what to think
of it, till evening; for at one time he would take the
letter in his hand only to lay it down again. Thus he
went on.
Now, his daily custom was to go out in his carriage for
a drive in the evening, but on that evening the carriage
waited at his door till night, and he did not come down
to it. The next morning I came at nine o'clock, and
then I saw Mr. Raffles reclining betimes, and rising be-
times, his hand still holding the letter. So when he
had eaten he came below to see the people bind up the
articles, yet holding the letter in his hand. He again
went upstairs, but shortly he came down again hurriedly,
and calling out to Ibrahim, he told him to bring out the
five or six leaves of paper in the press, and when this
was done, he immediately took the letter with the paper,
and showed them to his clerk, asking the whole of us
at the same time whether they were of the same sample,
when we replied, ' They are exactly the same, without
difference ; only that one had the writing somewhat
more cramped.'
Thereupon he at once ordered a messenger to go and
call the Pangeran, who at once came. But I now per-
ceived that his colour had changed to pallidness ; and as
he arrived Mr. Raffles was still holding the letter, walk-
ing backwards and forwards in the upper-floor verandah.
So the Pangeran went up, and when Mr. Raffles saw him
fully, he looked askant at him, and without welcoming
him; so he remained standing near the railing while
TIIE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LORD MINTO AND THE TUANKU. 77
Mr. Raffles was going back-wards and forwards for ten or
twenty times, observing him as if he would thrash him,
for I was peeping at them through the chink of the door.
And as he glanced at him, the Pangeran got frightened.
Then Mr. Baffles said to him, without naming him, ' Is
this the letter of the Susanan at Bantaram or not ? ' At
this the face of the Pangeran was deathlike — all the
blood had fled, and he made no answer. Then said
Mr. Baffles, ' I hear no answer ; but if you do not tell
the truth, I will have you hung.' And when the
Pangeran saw the fierce rage of Mr. Baffles, his arms
and legs shook as he stood in such a manner as I have
never seen ; and as for Mr. Baffles, his colour became
blue, and his hands trembled with anger, when he cried,
' You* will not tell the truth.' When the Pangeran
replied, 'What can I do ?' So he was silent for a moment.
Then said Mr. Baffles, 'What do you say is the truth?'
To which the Pangeran replied, ' I am a small man, under
the authority of Tuanku Penglima Besar ; and what he
ordered that I did. 0, sir, and if I had not done so he
would have killed me ! ' Then said Mr. Baffles, ' Let me
know how this came about : try and relate it truly, else
you are a dead man.' Then said the Pangeran, ' How
can I relate the circumstances, seeing that I have bound
myself by oath on the Koran not to divulge anything ? '
To this Mr. Baffles said, ' I will not accept this excuse ;
relate the circumstances you must.' To this the Pan-
geran said, ' Very well, sir. At the commencement, we
had sailed from this but twelve days, when we arrived
at Palembang, and were struck by a squall from
the south-east. The Tuanku then essayed to make for
the Jambie, owing to the strength of the gale ; but I told
him of your orders not to put in anywhere, but he
replied, "If so, how many of us will die ? for how many
* Lie : as to a low fellow.
78 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
more die at sea than on land." He said this in anger ; so
I said, "Do as you like." So off we sailed to Jambie, and
reached there in two days ; and when we had arrived, he
disembarked the opium and merchandise, and he, with
his followers and sons, went on shore, myself and sailors
staving on board. And I remained waiting for one, two,
three, up to six days, but none of them returned till
then ; when his followers came asking for what mer-
chandise there was remaining. Of these I was afraid,
lest they should stab me. So they took the things off
to the shore, where they remained fifteen or sixteen days;
after this the Tuanku returned to the ship with a sour
face, and in a very ill-humour, and went to his bunk to
sleep ; as for his men, they kept cooking and eating only,
for five or six days, and went on shore again, saying,
" It is a very severe .monsoon this year; let us stop
awhile before sailing." To this I replied, " Very good,
Tuanku." So he stopped on shore this time for, five
or six days, when he came on board again, and ordered
anchor to be raised and sail set, proceeding to a small
creek, where we anchored again, and remained six or
seven days. Then there came a tope (native craft) to pass
that way, at which we fired ; but it returned the fire,
killing two of our men ; and having fought till sundown,
the breeze freshened, and the tope sailed away, to
what part we could not tell. After that we took three
proivs, and the crews having all escaped into the water,
we boarded and took their merchandise. Thus we were
employed for about fifteen days. After this the Tuanku
called me one morning, asking me what I had to suggest,
as we would not now be able to carry the letter to the
Susanan, by reason of the strength of the monsoon.
I replied, "Why not? We could get on by tacking,
the full strength of the monsoon not being against
us." When he heard this he was dreadfully angry with
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. LORD MIXTO AXD THE TUAXKU. 79
me, and his face became sour ; so I was silent, lest he
might stab me. On this he said, "I have got a pro-
posal, in which I wish you all to enter." We all asked,
" What is it ?" To this he replied, " I wish you all to
swear silence regarding it ; and if any of you will not
do as I wish, say so now." Then said we all, " 0
Tuanku, let us know what you wish." At this he pulled
out the Koran, and calling me he ordered me to swear
on it. So I was put in terror by his very appearance
— his excessive rage, as if he would murder us all. So I
thought to myself, if I do not give in he will murder me.
So I swore that I would keep his secret ; and all the
men did likewise. When we had done this, then he
■said, "Let us prepare a letter to the effect as if the
Susanan had replied to you." So I composed the letter,
when he enclosed it in yellow cloth ; and from that
date he pressed on us the compact as to keeping silence.
This done, we sailed for Malacca. This, sir, is the
state of the case, from its commencement to its com-
pletion.'
When Mr. Baffles heard all this he scratched his ears
and stamped his feet with rage, and with a blank face
told him to go below to wait there ; and to look at
Mr. Raffles, you would take him as one under great
trouble, without ceasing, for on that day it was intended
to put his effects on board ship, it being the day for
sailing. The whole sea of Malacca was dark with ships
under sail. The town of Malacca was also busy on this
account. On this day about fifty or sixty ships sailed,
leaving fifty or sixty only. And about three o'clock in
the afternoon there came a gentleman in his carriage
to the house of Mr. Raffles, to hear the news brought by
the letter from Java. But Mr. Raffles had got a great
affront, owing to every one wishing so much to see the
tenor of it. Lord Minto also came and was received by
80 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Mr. Eaffles with a pallid countenance. And when the
gentlemen had all collected, Mr. Raffles ordered the
Tuanku to be called, ordering the sentries at the same
time that when he arrived his followers were not to be
allowed entrance. Now, it had been his custom on
former occasions to come at once, but this time he did
not come till the messengers had been sent, as he was
collecting his goods to be off. At last, however, he came,
bringing with him ten or twelve followers, all armed with
their krises, these with his two sons also ; but when they
came to the gate, the sepoys would not allow them to
enter, but only the Tuanku himself, so they remained
outside. He was thus unsupported, and proceeded by
himself slowly. And as he was going to ascend the stairs,
he was not permitted to do so by the watchman ; but
this was made known to Mr. Eaffles. On this the latter
descended, and gazed at the face of the Tuanku, who
saluted, but Mr. Eaffles took no notice of his salutation,
by reason of vexation, but told him that he was a liar,
and that he would have him blown from a cannon's
mouth; further, that he should not stand there, as the
schooner was about to sail that night. He added, ' Go
you on board at once, for at four o'clock it sails : and at
sea I shall blow you from the cannon's mouth. It was
my intention to sail to-morrow morning, if it had not
been for you. You ought to be hung here. Go ; don't
stand before me ; I hate the sight of a liar and a pirate ! '
The face of the Tuanku now took the appearance of a
corpse, and he could not say a word ; as the stones
sound in the distance, so was his sound, owing to his
having got this fright. So also Mr. Eaffles had received
a great affront before these great people assembled,
especially before Lord Minto, for he had spoken well of
the Tuanku, and he would have been less sorry to lose
ten thousand dollars than to have been duped in this-
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. — LORD MrNTO AND TnE TUANKU. 81
manner. He had been set at fault before the leading
men, and so brought to shame.
Now, to my notion, he designedly told the Tuanku
to make off with himself, so that he might be out of the
sight of his coadjutors, otherwise he would have done
as he intended. So the Tuanku Penglima Besar returned
to his house ; and as to the house of Mr. Raffles, it was
all in confusion, owing to his intended departure, and
in this confusion the Tuanku escaped by night in a swift
boat across the Straits to Siak.
Truly this was a subject of great wonder to me, and it
should stand as a remembrancer to all persons wanting
a trustworthy agent, or who put undue faith in one. It
was, however, a rare circumstance. And in this age, if
there be a want of faithfulness in work that requires
rapid completion, there will be cause for repentance.
This was Mr. Eaffles's case ; but why should there be any-
more to-do about it ? As say the Malays, ' Eepent before-
hand, for it is little use repenting afterwards ; ' and it is a
wise saying, that 'A blue drop spoils the milk in the pail.'
So, as Mr. Raffles was not sufficiently strict in an
important undertaking, he was found at fault afterwards.
But this was of little consequence, for if a crow were to
bathe in attar of roses, and were it to be fed on amber-
gris and musk, still it would not make its feathers white
— but black they would remain.
Two days after this the whole fleet sailed. And at
night-time one large ship took fire off Tanjing Kling,
and the cause of the accident was from a person smoking
cheroots, one of which he had thrown down in the hold,
which was set ablaze, so that all the merchandise was con-
sumed ; the conflagration commencing at midnight and
continuing till eleven next morning, at which time the
powder magazine was reached, when the ship was blown
up with the sound of thunder — even Malacca quaked ;
G
82 IIAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the ship then went down. The captain was on shore
at the time ; and when the fire was seen by the fleet, all
the ships weighed their anchors to escape from the
flames, and sailed. For several days after this event the
Malacca people picked up articles and implements
strewed along the sea-shore.
Mr. Raffles asked me to go along with him to Java,
but my mother would not allow it, and with tears in her
eyes she pleaded that she had not two or three sons, but
only me ; and I the apple of her eye. To this Mr. Raffles
replied, 'Are you afraid that he will die ? ' To this my
mother said, ' It is not death I fear, but he is yet a youth,
and not yet accustomed to be away from his mother and
father. I hear, also, that Java is a very sickly country,
and for this reason I cannot make up my mind to part
with him. To this Mr. Raffles replied, ' Very well, my
lady; if my life be spared, I shall return here, and I can
take 'him into my employ again.' So he returned to his
office, and calling me in he wrote a certificate, and going
to his cashbox, he brought out thirty dollars, and showing
me the certificate, he said, 'If any English gentlemen wish
to learn Malay, show this to them, and you will get em-
ployment;' the which I took with respect. After this
he told me to go and pay my respects to his wife ; so
I went to her, and did as he ordered, when she gave
me ten dollars, with half a roll of flowered cloth, em-
broidered with gold, saying, 'With this make a coat.' On
this I retired, by reason of my sorrow and my excessive
love for Mr. Raffles ; and secondly, because I regarded his
lady as my foster-parent. At that time, had it not been
from fear of my parents, my feeling was to go with them
■wherever that had been. This was owing to their
courteous manners and kind admonitions, which God
alone can repay in this world with greatness and mighti-
ness, with long life in His remembrance and tranquillity.
THE JAVA EXPEDITION.
At the same time Mr. Raffles made overtures to my
uncle, Ismail Libby, who agreed ; so on the morrow they
sailed in the ship of Lord Minto. And of the rest of the
fleet not one ship remained in the Roads of Malacca."
The employment of Tuanku Penglima Besar by Raffles
is an episode in the Java war which, but for Abdulla,
would have never seen the light. Sixty years after the
event no harm can come of its exposure, but only
amusement to his Dutch and English friends. It is a
most candid revelation of the secrets of diplomacy, and
contains an excellent moral for modern tropical Govern-
ments to digest. The system of setting up native chiefs
against other European powers is at best an unworthy
act on the part of the white man, and much more so
when a common religion binds the belligerent powers.
No doubt, if we search over the world, we find abundant
precedents for such acts, yet these are, on enlarged
principles, abhorrent to our better judgments. Raffles
indeed had to stoop to conquer ; and what great men
have not to do this ? The escort by Raffles and Far-
quhar of two such scoundrels is particularly enjoyable.
I presume such things must be, and always will be,
notwithstanding.
The Java Expedition reached Batavia on August
4th, 1811, and gathered in Malacca two months pre-
viously, viz., June 1st, 1811. The expedition consisted
of ninety sail, carrying G000 Europeans and 6000
native troops. Abdulla would be at this time fourteen
years of age. He, being a Mahomedan, shows an
aversion to the Hindoos and their customs, while he
paints them to the life : it is the description of the army
of Xerxes over again, as given by the father of history
84 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
himself, to wit, Herodotus. On the contrary, he is
bewitched with the manner and bearing of the Ma-
homedan cavalry) of which he seems to have retained
vivid impressions, though evidently exaggerated by
admiration and time.
Here we have an illustration of a common bond of
union of a very powerful nature, viz., the Koran. I have
often asked myself why the children were so thumped
and beaten to instil its precepts into them, and the
solution is, that a common religious standard — a mystery
to the vulgar — coheres the masses. How do priests and
statesmen use this fact ?
In describing the ceremonies, like every other Asiatic,
Abdulla is in his element, though these can have little
interest to the European reader. The commander-in-
chief he describes was Sir Samuel Ahmuty. The cause
of disease amongst the Hindoos he correctly notices, and
in doing so brings to our view the miseries of caste, and
the practical objections to their sects being transported
over the "kala pani," or sea, owing to the great priva-
tions they have to suffer. In dealing with these men
this has not always been intelligently understood, and
miscarriages and misfortunes have been the conse-
quence.
The observations on Lord Minto, at that time
Governor-General of India, are peculiarly full and in-
teresting. This was Gilbert Elliot, second Earl of Minto,
an eminent scion of that noble and amiable family, an
honour to the Borders. How highly he was appreciated
in these distant regions will be learnt from the pen of
our native author. He had indeed been scanned by a
young eye, yet the impressions left on the mind of the
youth are apparent, and these impressions were of a
large-minded philanthropy. England's honour and
prestige would always be safe in such hands. But the
TOE POPULARITY OF LORD JUNTO. OO
native annalist docs not sec with our eyes, nor weigh
things with our mind ; his old saws are strange to as,
his proverbs difficult to unriddle. The snake and the
bamboo root seems to he a favourite simile, and its
application in this easel do not fully apprehend; but
the Chinese proverb quoted seems to imply that, how-
ever high an individual might be, yet his heart-strings
are moved by the people : without them he could have
.no mightiness, no sphere, no arena. In this way my
old Malay Mend Oamat's proverb was apt, which was
to this effect, "What is the use of being a raja if you
have no ryots (subjects) '?" The habit of the stork, which
iiies high, is to sit on the buffalo's back and clean that
.animal's skin of vermin, an office apparently mutually
agreeable ; so high people sometimes have to come down
.to menial offices. The parallel of the monkey and the
flower would indicate that parvenus misguide their wealth
by not knowing its true objects, and thus make them-
selves obnoxious and ridiculous.
The benedictions of the wretched prisoners on thesoul
of Lord Minto are extremely characteristic, and provide a
lesson to those who have to deal with the tropical races.
Thus, while the highest authority in the Empire of India
had done a most gracious act, emanating from a most
philanthropic purpose, these incorrigible recipients of
a generous favour wiU not unbend a jot in their religious
doctrine, viz., that all go to hell, the Governor-General
of India amongst the rest, excepting the good or elect of
their own sects. The furthest limit to which they
can unbend is to wish him relief in the pains of hell.
Of course these poor people are not singular in such a
. doctrine, for even some Englishmen cannot regard then-
neighbours without harbouring similar feelings. But
we tread on dangerous ground, and will avoid it at
present. However, as a memento of this and other
SG HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
high-minded acts at Malacca, Lord Minto's portrait was
procured and hung up in the resident magistrate's office,
■where he is represented as breaking the shackles of
cruelty. When I saw it, in 1848, I viewed it with
great curiosity. The climate had so destroyed the
colours that it might have been taken for a black
Madonna.
Again, when we read Abdulla's remarks on the new
jail, we have an instance of his enlightenment, far in
advance of the opinions of his countrymen ; indeed, they
are equal to our most advanced civilization, which, when
carried to extremes, ends in a morbid old-icomanism
which is unjust to society.
While Abdulla has the highest respect for Lord Minto,
he appears to have been impressed with an opposite
feeling towards his followers ; this is too common a case
all the world over, and unavoidable.
The sequel to the proceedings of the two "worthy''
native ambassadors is related by Abdulla with much
"gusto;" they illustrate the natural courses of two
debased, unprincipled adventurers, who seem to have
had cunning enough to hoodwink Raffles. It will be
readily seen that their concocted story was not plaus-
ible enough to disarm his immediate suspicion ; and
Raffles' s perplexities and behaviour under the circum-
stances are inimitably drawn. The portrait is to the life ;
the actors behaved exactly as they should have done in
then respective characters. So this is too true an un-
veiling of one of the cast-nets wove for circumscribing
the Dutch. Raffles's mortification at the failure of his
project, and his rage at the unblushing duplicity of his
agents, are written down just as we could imagine the
actual facts. The whole of the Pangeran's confession is
so circumstantial as to command credence ; and we see
Raffles struck with blank disappointment at the end of
THE JAVA EXPEDITION. 87
the narrative, when the forgery is admitted; but his
worst trial was to come in the visit of the Governor-
General himself to hear the result of the great embassy.
Abdulla's summation is truly philosophical; viz., repent
before, for it is of no use to rej>ent afterwards ; and his
simile of the crow is synonymous with the English
saying, You cannot wash a black man white. Common
sense is the same in all races, though the motives that
impel us vary.
The influence of Raffles over the natives and those
coming in contact with him must have been great, but
not more so than can be attained by any well-educated
and well-behaved European who likes to exercise self-
abnegation and pursue a well-defined course. In later
years Sir James Brooke was an excellent example of
such a man. He was, like Raffles, ambitious, but for
the good of the people.
But to return : the expedition at length sails, and
Abdulla is left behind; he parts from Mr. Baffles with
grief, a circumstance creditable to both parties. Batavia
was taken by a coup de main under the lead of Colonel
Gillispie, and Java, with its 5,000,000 of inhabitants, was
conquered by 12,000 men. The Dutch and French having
surrendered, the Javanese now attempted to regain their
independence, but without avail. Whilst, previous to
1795, the English had only two outlying and inconsider-
able settlements in the great Indian Archipelago, viz.,
Penang and Bencoolen, in sixteen years afterwards their
flag covered the whole vast area. In this consummation
Baffles was the most prominent actor. But as social
subjects rather than historical are congenial to this story,
we will ask how so slight an army could effect so great a
conquest? Simply in this way: I have not been able
to find out the numbers of Dutch and French opposed to
the English, but this we may take as certain, that their
88 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
numbers would be very inferior, tbough the native
levies might be enormously in excess ; yet the whole
burden of defending Java would fall on the Europeans.
As between English and Dutch, the natives in their hearts
would stand aloof ; they had no practical interest in the
quarrel, excepting to get rid of both. On asking a
Malay friend the cause of this, he said, "An elephant eats
sugar-cane, and a tiger eats kids ; but when they quarrel
we do not know their motives, certain it is, if we
interfere we may be eaten by the one or crushed by the
other, so our sense of preservation tells us to avoid the
melee." That these sentiments are not confined, as
between the black and the white races, is proved by the
Commentaries of Alboquerqui, in which De Barros
states, that on the invasion of Malacca by the Portuguese
the Malabarese, Peguans, and Javanese favoured the
enterprise against the Malays themselves.
The next subject that the autobiographer takes up
is his intercourse with the Protestant missionaries, who
had established a station at Malacca under the auspices
of the London Mission Society. He states that these
first arrived in 1823, but from the context this is
evidently a mistake ; for we find, in the life of Dr. Morri-
son, that Dr. Milne was sent out in 1813. Thus Abdulla's
age would be at that time sixteen. He says that the
name of the missionary was Mr. Milne, whose daughter
was called Maria, and whose twin sons were called
William and Piobert. He got news that English was
taught gratuitously, nor was a charge even made for
paper, ink, or pens. This news delighted him, for he
still remembered the advice of Lord Minto and Mr.
Raffles, to study English, which would be of great
service to him by-and-by. Of Dr. Milne he observes
that his bearing and deportment were those of a gentle-
THE MALACCA MISSION. 89
man; his conversation was polite and refined. Even
in anger his countenance gleamed with mildness. He
was indcfatigahle in studying all things, and had a
retentive memory ; and he naively adds, if he was taught
anything one month he could answer correctly the next.
This was reversing positions. A little native hoy teach-
ing an old man, on whose shoulders were placed the
responsibilities of great future events. However, I pre-
sume one must stoop to conquer. The stronger mind
in the long run will heat.
Betimes the native hoy became attached to Mr.
Milne's family; for further on he says, "As I went
daily to teach Mr. Milne, the boys became familiar
with me, insomuch that they came to my house to eat
and drink. Under such circumstances I became fond
of them, and they of me. Further, Mrs. Milne was
a nice lady, drawing one's affection and regard with
gentleness and sweetness of countenance."
Of Dr. Morrison, the great Chinese scholar, Abdulla
says that a short time after Mr. Milne had removed to
his new house, Dr. Morrison came to Malacca to stay
with him, when he employed himself constantly, night
And day, in studying and writing Chinese. He wrote
with a Chinese hair-pencil, as is their custom. Abdulla
believes that at that time there was not a single
European so learned in Chinese as Dr. Morrison ; and
Mr. Milne got lessons from him. He adds that
his only fault was that he wore the Chinese costume,
for in the Chinese dress no one could have taken him
for a white man ! His reason for saying this is, that
his manner, voice, furniture, and instruments, were all
Chinese. He adds, moreover, that there was one quality
in Dr. Morrison, viz., that he had the mein of a gentle-
man, gaining great influence over one's feelings by soft
and gentle conversation, and giving good counsel.
{)0 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Abdulla was at this time, be tells us, learning the Gospel
of St. Matthew, when Dr. Morrison would explain diffi-
cult passages.
So much for Abdulla's idea of the learned North-
umbrian. That he could see no difference between him
and a Chinaman appears astonishing ; but I presume
the autobiographer was affected with the same obtuse-
ness of perception that people in general have in looking at
sheep—they say sheep are all alike, while the shepherd
himself sees the most marked difference of features and
expression. On the same principle, I have heard people
remark that all Chinamen are alike; Chinamen, no
doubt, remark the same of us. Abdulla expresses his
astonishment that men such as Dr. Morrison should
condescend so much ; and as a reason for this, he ex-
plains that intelligent men do so for the good it does to
posterity. No doubt this is an admirable solution of a
very difficult and perplexing problem.
In course of time Abdulla tells us that he became an
agent of the missionaries, to "call Malay children" to
come to learn to read and write, but which undertaking
soon called down on him the wrath of his co-religionists,
they having taken fright lest their children might be
forced, as Abdulla expresses himself, to become "Eng-
lish," meaning Christians. He seems to have argued
and explained to no purpose, telling them that the
object was no other than to teach them their own language,
and the language of the English, as these acquisitions in
after-life would greatly facilitate their earning a liveli-
hood. But this would not do, for the Mahomedan parents
got the other idea into their heads, and there was no
pacifying them— the more he harangued, the more they
avoided him. Matters came to such a pitch at last, that
they conceived a spite against him, so they complained
to his father. Upon this high words took place between
THE MALACCA MISSION. 91
father and son, till at length the former went into his
room to seek a rattan to Hog our autobiographer ; but
this was avoided by Abdulla falling at his father's feet.
Matters between father and son were at length made up
by the missionary calling on tlie father and apparently
pacifying him with regard to his religious scruples. After
this Abdulla prospered, so that his co-religionists' spite
was inflamed the more, on which they nicknamed him
"Abdulla Padre," an opprobrious epithet in the feelings
of Mahomedans.
This candid confession leads us to look at the principle
of action on the part of the English missionaries, nor is
this principle confined to their body, but I have seen it
practised both by French and Portuguese as occasion
offered. They, it is true, take their commission from the
home societies to propagate the Gospel, then why should
they pretend to the natives to do another thing ? Is this
honest ? and if not honest, will the measure not re-act
against the real object ? Or, provided that the mission-
aries honestly ignore the gospel in then- teaching, and
give secular instruction only, are they doing their duty to
those who sent them out? In either case there is a
dilemma out of which various minds will extricate
themselves in different ways; some will say the ends
justify the means ; others, enlighten first and proselytize
afterwards ; others (I have known them) resign the task,
as not being straightforward. I have seen a few of the
enlightened subjects of this secular teaching, and in mind
and genius they were young Bengal on a small scale ;
they had lost what reverence for religion and respect
for parents they had ever had. and revelled in full
freedom of thought and license of behaviour. The
melancholy address of Dr. Duff to the Free Church
Assembly of Scotland was inspired by this state of
matters.
02 IIAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Abdulla informs us that he remained six or seven
years at these duties, during which time he translated
many books. At length he got married, and had the
honour of entertaining his principals. When dinner was
over they complimented him, and desired to see his wife,
when he took them in (to the inner apartments), where
they shook hands with her, a most unusual thing for
Christian gentlemen to do to Mahomedan ladies ; but in
this we see the force of the progress of good under-
standing. It is therefore notable.
Of Dr. Milne our autobiographer appears to have con-
ceived a very high opinion. He says of him, "He was
gentle, mindful, and helpful to me, with great kindness.
These benefits I can never repay to him. It is God
alone who will give him seven-fold blessings. I shall
never forget him as long as I live. It was now only that
I was over head and ears in debt, as the Malay proverb
goes; the debt of gold can be repaid, but the debt of
gratitude we carry to our graves. But the change of
the world fell on him, — his wife died, and after this he
seemed always buried in grief. He tired of study and
fell sick, and in a short time died also." Thus a noble
spirit was lost to the earth, too often the sad fate of the
ardent, the benevolent, and the truly pious. This was
in 1822, thus the event has been made to precede the
•course of the narrative.
And while on this subject, I may notice the habits of
Protestant missionaries in warm climates as being
obnoxious to their bodily health. As I have observed
them, they generally arrive in the tropics after they are
no longer young men ; thus their habits are confirmed,
and these, being generally of a studious and sedentary
nature, aggravate the climatic influences working against
them. They seldom, I may say never, mix in the social
circles of then countrymen, which induces an ascetic form
THE MALACCA MISSION. 93
of thought which tells in time to their bodily disad-
vantage. In no part of the world is muscular Christianity
more required, as it supports a frame of mind that will
enter into all active pursuits and recreations without
abating a jot of self-respect or enthusiasm in the sacred
cause ; and in this respect I have observed of the
French Catholic missionaries, with whom my feelings
are in no way enlisted, that they pursue an active and
enterprising line of duty calculated not only to spread
their influence, but to preserve their European vigour
of constitution. At Singapore, and other settlements,
you might see them walking to great distances, under the
heat of the sun, and at all times of the day and night,
pursuing their calling. The consequence of this line of
action has been that, while they count thousands of
converts, the class-room and house-keeping Protestant
missionaries have, I may say, done nothing, — absolutely
nothing — in the same direction.
I do not make these comments in a hostile spirit, but
as one of their well-wishers, who would like to see their
efforts better directed, and crowned with more success.
Amongst the natives secular education will not effect
what is aimed at, it in fact does damage — as I have
shown above — rather than good. It must be religious
teaching, open and undisguised, and this is only to be
arrived at by personal contact with the people in their
homes. But the lady influence is against this consum-
mation ; — the Catholic missionaries have not this draw-
back, such as it is. By lady influence, I mean the not
unnatural attraction to stop at home, an impediment
which no doubt an exceptional few despise and get over.
An unmarried priesthood, on the contrary, finds the
wide world its appropriate sphere. Thus Le Favre
ransacked the forests of the wild interior, while his
confreres spread themselves over Cochin China, Corea,
94 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Tartary, and Thibet, while our married missionaries
stayed in the European settlements. Uxoriousness
was the great fault imposed on our missionaries
by their fellow Protestants, and so much am I im-
pressed with its application, that I would advocate
that no man should be advanced to the high office of
missionary till he had served ten years unmarried, and
had stood the ordeal with an unblemished character for
virtue and self-abnegation. The pious world would thus
rid itself of sensualism and save a deal of mis-spent
money.
If this portion of the narrative is not the most re-
assuring part of Abdulla's account of the Malacca
Mission, his troubles with the German missionary are
at least unique. It appears that Abdulla was handed
over to this missionary by Dr. Milne, to assist in trans-
lating the New Testament into Malay, the original one
by the Dutch being a bad one. But now commenced a
series of squabbles that upset our autobiographer's
equanimity. The German's system seems to have been
to first construct a Malay grammar out of the rules
of Lindley Murray, and then to translate the Scriptures
on these principles, which thus became a Bible in Malay
words but in English idiom. This, of course, was
utterly unintelligible, and the sources of constant
quarrels ; but Abdulla was true to his salt, and at last
gave in, telling the German it was Ids Bible, so he
could do as he liked. When they got to the Acts of the
Apostles, the German at length told Abdulla, "that
where a phrase is wrong, it is of little consequence, as
these are a mere historn." Whatever the German's
views may be, I cannot forget the teaching of an ortho-
dox Calvinist, to this effect, — that damnation would come
of not believing every word. Yet here is a missionary
saying many of these words were of little consequence.
THE MALACCA MISSION. 95
So when they got to the end of their labours, we have the
humiliating admittance that there were in the whole
work not to be found ten phrases which were not wrong.
Now I have merely the manuscript of Abdulla's work,
but it was afterwards printed in full at the mission press
itself, and affords the best proof that his criticisms were
true.
96 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
IX.
THE DUTCH REPOSSESS MALACCA.
" Thus it was with me when a rumour reached Malacca
that an English schooner had been captured by pirates
between Penang and Malacca, in which there was an
English lady, whom they had carried off somewhere to the
eastward. The schooner had sailed out of Penang. Two
or three days after this another report got abroad, that
Colonel Farquhar was about to sail in search of her.
And he took with him four or five natives of Malacca,
with a clerk called Inchi Iabin Abdul Ujia, that is he
who is named Inchi Siang. So they sailed from
Malacca ; and it was kept a close secret from the first, no
one knowing, only this, that Colonel Farquhar had gone
to seek the lady ; but of this I cannot write, for I did not
know the circumstances. However, after they had re-
turned to Malacca, I made cautious inquiries, when I
learnt that the English had gone to seek a place to
found a new town. First, Colonel Farquhar went to
Siak, with a view of getting the raja to allow of a town
being settled at Tanjong Iati ; but it was found that at
that place in the north-east monsoon the waves were so
high that neither ships nor prows could withstand them.
On this account the place would not suit ; so they went to
Diak, but hence, owing to some reason unknown to me,
THE DUTCH REPOSSESS MALACCA. 97
they passed on to Carimon. And when they arrived here
they viewed the land and the hills, with which they were
much pleased ; so they sought an anchorage, but they
could nowhere find a secure harbour. Further, they
sounded all round, but found the water too deep, and
there was no shelter in gales, owing to the proximity of
rocks. So this would not suit, and they embarked and
sailed for Johore, where they landed and viewed the
place. But what was their notion of it ? I do not know,
for they again embarked and returned to Malacca ; and
having arrived there, a day did not go over before they
created Captain David (Davis) deputy in charge of
Malacca, and they sailed again in the same direction.
Two days after Colonel Farquhar had sailed from
Malacca, there came two large Dutch ships and one
schooner, bringing with them the Governor and secre-
taries, with officers and Dutch troops, also Javanese,
with their equipments : these came to take over Malacca.
And at that time the majority of the races inhabiting
Malacca were glad of the Dutch taking the country, as
they were imbued with the opinion that then they would
have more easy times of it than they had under the
English ; but they did not anticipate that with these
would come leeches that would draw the very blood from
their bodies. And at that time I was in great distress,
owing to the thoughts of my useless labour, so long
continued, in mastering the language and letters of the
English ; and should these not remain, to whom could I
sell my merchandise ;* moreover, they would be forbidden
goods. And I did not know a word of Dutch, so I felt
depressed, and was ashamed when I met the Dutch
descendants in Malacca, for their faces were red with
joy, as their race had now returned. And many of them
said to me, ' What is the use of English to you now you
* That is, his professional acquirements.
H
98 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
have learnt it ? but if you bad learnt Dutch, there would
have been some sense in it, as now they have got the
country they will keep it for good.' So my despondency
increased on hearing these words, and I even blamed
myself for having learnt English ; yet, under the circum-
stances, I put my trust in the Almighty, who feeds His
slaves, and whom His creatures cannot comprehend. And
this was not because of my knowledge of either the
Dutch or the English, but because of an unexpected
event having come on me.
To proceed. The Dutch that came in the above ships
landed, and they remained at Banda Illiar ; and the
country was not given over to them, for its Governor was
absent ; but in five days Colonel Farquhar returned,
when he gave authority to Captain Davis to hand over
Malacca, on which he sailed again. Then, according to
my recollection, it was at seven in the morning of the next
day that the Dutch soldiers entered the fort along with
their officers, accompanied with the drum and fife and
other noises ; also the Governor and secretaries, carry-
ing with them a Dutch flag, and having drawn swords in
their hands. These approached the flag-mast at the top
of the hill, where were already waiting the English
soldiers, headed by their officers and leaders with drawn
swords in their hands, and drums and fifes playing.
Then at the first the English hoisted their flag, with the
drums beating and fifes playing with a plaintive note ;
and I observed that their appearance was distressed and
sorrowful, like corpses, all having doleful faces. Then,
after about ten minutes, they lowered the flag. Now, at
the foot of the mast companies of both Dutch and
English soldiers were drawn up, but each on their
respective sides, and the inhabitants filled the area in
order to see the proceedings. There were also persons
engaged to read proclamations in four languages. They
THE DUTCH REPOSSESS MALACCA. 99
now hoisted the Dutch flag, when their music struck
up with lively airs. The flag remained up also for about
ten minutes ; and when it was descending, to see the
soldiers of the two different races, you would think that
they would have murdered each other in their wrath,
their faces were so red, like tigers about to spring on their
prey, each with weapons in their hands. They now
hoisted both flags together, and held them for a moment
at the mast-head ; they then lowered them. This they did
three times before they lowered the English flag, which
they did very slowly ; and at this period the tears were
seen to start in the eyes of many of the English, for
their drums and fifes played slowly, as the sound of
people wailing : this moved the hearts of those that saw
them. And when the English flag had reached the
ground, they then read the proclamation in four lan-
guages, to this effect : —
1 Know all ye that we read this for your information :
Whereas the King of England, in council, has agreed,
to wit, that the country of Malacca shall be made over
(srah) by His Majesty the King of England to His
Majesty the King of Holland.'
After this had been read, all the English officers and
their followers returned to their homes, and the Dutch
officers proceeded to relieve the English guards at the
various stations.
The name of the new Governor was Timmerman
Tysen ; the name of his secretary, Baumhoor (?) ; and
the name of the commandant, Myor (?), to wit, Fernus (?)
The Governor went to the Stadt House, the secretary
to a house in the fort on the sea-side, this with his
guard.
But to return to the affairs of Colonel Farquhar, who
sailed in a vessel. This he ordered to proceed towards
Singapore, the reason of this being that he had been
100 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
acquainted of old with Tuanku Long, son of Sultan
Mahmud, at the time he lived in Malacca. And there
was a report at that time that Tuanku Long had ob-
tained a deal of money from Colonel Farquhar, and for
that he was about to give the island of Singapore to the
English. From this it arose that Colonel Farquhar
wished to see him at Rhio, to conclude the agreement ;
nor till this was done did he return to Malacca to give
over the place to the Dutch, as I have related. And
as to the whole that passed between him and Tuanku
Long, he made Mr. Raffles,* who at this time was at
Penang, aware of the same by letter. Mr. Raffles there-
upon reported to the Governor-General in Bengal, who
returned for answer, that the East India Company would
guarantee no more expenses in settling the place than
the salaries of himself and Colonel Farquhar ; but if it
became a place at a future time, the Company would
consider the subject. On this Mr. Raffles admitted that
he had an understanding with Colonel Farquhar that
he should, under all hazards, found the Settlement of
Singapore. After this he came to Malacca, and con-
sulted with Colonel Farquhar; and when they had
settled operations, he ordered him to return to Singapore
and arrange there as he should think fit, till he came
himself, he at that time being under orders, from the
Governor-General, to settle some disputes existing
amongst the Rajas of Acheen, to wit, Acheen Pedier and
Tallo Samaway, who were about to be at warfare, when
they had sent a letter to Bengal asking for intervention,
with a view to settlement.
So Mr. Raffles sailed to Acheen, and Colonel Far-
quhar set out for Singapore, and when he arrived he
landed from the vessels, having with him some Malacca
* Now Sir Stamford, though Abdulla yet calls him Tuan Raffles,
which I literally translate.
FOUNDING THE SETTLEMENT OF SINGAPORE. 101
men as followers. He proceeded to the plain, where the
court-house now stands, which at that time was covered
with kamunting and kadudu plants. Towards the river
there were four or five small huts, where were also
planted six or seven cocoa-nut trees, and one hut,
somewhat larger, in which the Tomungong lived.
Colonel Farquhar walked round the plain, and when the
Orang Laut (sea Malays) met him they ran away, to
give notice to their chief, on which he came out at once
to meet him. At this time Colonel Farquhar was rest-
ing below a kalat tree in the centre of the plain, and
when they approached they paid their respects and
shook hands, on which Colonel Farquhar was escorted
to the Tomungong's house, where they entered into con-
versation as to the object of coming, with the origin of
the whole affair, till the time that Mr. Eaffles had sent
a letter from Bencoolen, requesting that a good site be
chosen for a new settlement, now that the English had
given over Malacca to the Dutch.
Now if this place would do, and the English should
make a town, it would be a good thing for the Malays
in carrying on their traffic, and where also all the
Europeans would collect, bringing their merchandise.
This was said, with much other argument and counsel,
with cajolings to soften the heart of the Tomungong, as
sugar melts in the mouth.
Thus answered the Tomungong: 'I am a mere cast-
away, my desire having taken me to Ehio, and you know
the custom of the Malay rajas is self-aggrandisement.
Owing to this I have cast myself away on this island, in
the middle of the sea ; but yet I am the inheritor of it
by the Malayan law, for it is the Tomungong's right to
govern the islands, for the true sovereign is dead, viz.,
Sultan Mahmud. And he had two princes, but they are
not full brothers : one is named Abdulrahnian, and the
102 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
other Hassin, who is called Tuanku Long. Now since the
death of the sovereign, the leading men of Ehio, Diak,
and Pahang hare sought thousands of faults, as to whom
should be established, by the Bindoharn, for they are
both equally princes. It is the wish of Tuanku Putri,
the wife of the deceased, to elevate Tuanku Long, but of
the leading men to elevate Tuanku Abdulrahman.
From this comes thousands of troubles : such is the state
of things. Tuanku Abdulrahman has gone to Tringanu,
leaving Tuanku Long in Ehio : such is the state of
affairs. In the first place, however, the regalia are all
in the possession of Tuanku Putri.'
And when Colonel Farquhar heard this he smiled,
saying, ' My prince, all these things Mr. Baffles has well
considered, and he can put them straight.' He then
asked the name of the hill behind the plain, when he was
told that of old it was called Bukit Larungan. Then he
asked the reason of such a name, when the Tomungong
replied, that when the Piaja resided here in olden times,
he erected his palace there, and would allow no one to go
up ; this is the reason of its being named the Forbidden
HiU.
Then said Colonel Farquhar, ' With reference to my
coming here, and the agreement which has been made
with Mr. Raffles, under the approval of Tuanku Long, the
son of Sultan Mahmud, of Ehio and Linga, in regard to
the making over (srah) of this island to the East India
Company for the founding of a settlement, which will
revive the names of the sultans of old, and remain a
sign of the friendship of Tuanku Long and yourself to-
wards the English Company, let us two make arrange-
ments before the coming of Mr. Baffles, as between your-
selves on the one side and the East India Company on
the other ; what do you think of this ?' The Tomungong
was silent for a while, and then said that he was under
FOUNDING THE SETTLEMENT OF SINGAPORE. 103
the government of Tuanku Long : if it be bis pleasure, so
"will it be mine. Colonel Farqubar then said, 'If such be
your feeling, then let us have it done in writing.' Then
said tbe Tomungong, ' "What is tbe use of my signature ;
is not my tongue enough ? ' To this Colonel Farqubar
replied, that tbe custom of "white men was to have a
signature, so that agreements might be unalterable. He
then told Inchi Siang to make out a document as the
Tomungong might direct. This was done at once, to the
effect as above related, i.e., ' This is the sign that the
Tomungong desires friendship with the English Com-
pany ; and he will engage, under the approval of Tuanku
Long, to give over (membrikan) the Island of Singapore
to them, i.e., to Mr. Raffles and Colonel Farqubar, to
make a settlement.' This done he signed it. Colonel
Farqubar then held the Tomungong's band, and clasping
it said, ' From this day we are friends, never to be
separated till eternity.'
Then said Colonel Farqubar, ' Tuanku, I would like
to bring the tents ashore from tbe ships ; where shall we
find a place?' To this the Tomungong replied, 'Where-
ever you like.' Then said Colonel Farquhar, ' I will
choose this plain.' So the people brought their boat from
the ship, bringing with them tents and baggage. Then
one half commenced to cut down the scrub, while the other
half erected the tents. This took two hours. Colonel
Farquhar after this ordered them to dig a. well below the
kalat tree, of which they all drank. And there were in
all about thirty Malacca men, who watched the camp at
night-time. The next morning they were ordered to
raise a mast of about six fathoms in length, this was on
the sea side, and on which the English flag was hoisted.
But there was no food to be obtained, so Colonel
Farquhar gave his men twenty dollars to go and buy
food ; but they could get nothing, so all had to come from
104 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the vessels. There was nothing to be had anywhere,
as there were only two or three small huts near the house
of the Tomungong, and at the extreme of Campong
Glam there were two or three more, belonging to the
Glam tribe or clan, who made their living by making
kadjangs and mat sails, hence the name of the place."
The home policy at length made itself felt. Thus
Malacca and all the greater dependencies of the Dutch
had to be given back. This policy affected infinitesimal
interests as well as world-wide ones ; and now Abdulla
had to bewail all his past troubles in learning what
would henceforth be an useless language. Further, he
had to face the jeers and scorn of the Dutch descendants,
who were correspondingly elated on the occasion.
Thus Malacca was returned to the Dutch, according to
European convention, on the 18th September, 1818 ; this
would be when Abdulla had reached his twenty-first year,
and he gives a very animated and feeling description of
the ceremonies.
In the proclamation making over the territory to
the Dutch, the Malay expression srah is used by
him. This is important, as it is again used in the
deed making over the Settlement of Singapore to the
English by the Malays. What is the exact meaning
of that term ? for in speaking to a native chief many
years ago, he interpreted the word srah as merely
allowing of temporary occupation, as long as the allow-
ance was paid. If so, the Settlement of Singapore could
not be handed over to another power without consent
of the Malays. Yet in making over Malacca to the
Dutch the same term is used in giving up the sovereignty
over the territory for ever. Indeed, might is right in
ORANG LAUT, OR SEA GYPSIES.
101
such cases, as Bencoolen was afterwards made over to
the Dutch against an express protest by the original
Malay sovereign or chief, probably under similar deeds.
The word srah, therefore, seems to be one of those
convenient diplomatic words that can be interpreted by
the two contracting parties by opposite meanings. For
instance, after the English had given over Malacca to
the Dutch, could they have handed it over to the French,
Germans, or Russians without question on the part of
the English ? I doubt it. Thus also stands the tenure
of Singapore with reference to the Malay kingdom, such
as it is. As the chief remarked to me, it was not sold
(joal).
As a counterpoise to the loss of Malacca, Singapore
was negotiated for with the Tomungong of Johore, and
taken possession of, under treaty, on the 6th February,
1819. Abdulla seems to have visited the place soon
afterwards, and he conveys his impressions, one or two of
which are worth noticing. Of the aborigines, whom he
calls Orang Laut, he tells us that "they live in prows,
and they are like wild beasts. When they meet any one,
if possible they would paddle for the shore, but if they
have not an opportunity of escaping in that way, they
jump overboard and dive like fishes. Perhaps they
would remain for half an hour under water, when they
would appear again one or two hundred fathoms off."
This of course is oriental hyperbole, and merely conveys
the meaning— that the people were uncultivated, and
expert divers, which is the case. When we say a man
runs like a race-horse, or that a person is as sharp as a
needle, we mean no more tttan Abdulla meant. And here
I may observe how hard one Asiatic race is on another,
even though but slightly divergent. These Orang Laut
are radically Malays ; they speak the language, with
slight variations, and they are nominally, though not
IOC) HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
actually, Mahomedans, their primitive faith being that
same fetishism that prevails in all untutored peoples.
When surveying the east coast of Pahang and Johore, in
1849, I had a good opportunity of studying the habits of
the Orang Laut, having there been in their camping-
grounds, and also having engaged two of them to accom-
pany me in exploring the shores, rivers, and islands.
I extract my account which was published in the Journal
of the Indian Archipelago, 1851 : —
"At Pulo Tingi we found many Orang Laut, or sea
gypsies, assembled. A large crop of durians had this
year attracted tribes of them from the coasts of the
Peninsula, as well as from the islands of the Johore
Archipelago. Six boats from Moro, an island of that
group, we found on their way to Pulo Tingi. They had
travelled by sea one hundred and eighty miles to partake
of the fascinating fruit. This would appear incredible
were it not explained that these people always live in
their boats, changing their positions from the various
islands and coasts, according to the season.
" During the south-west monsoon the eastern coast of
the Peninsula is much frequented by them, when they
collect, as they proceed, rattans, dammar, turtle, etc., to
exchange for rice and clothing. The attractions of Pulo
Tingi are also of a more questionable kind, by its offer-
ing, during the season that the Cochin Chinese visit
Singapore in their small unarmed trading junks, con-
siderable facilities in committing occasional quiet
piracies on that harmless class of traders. Prior to the
introduction of steam vessels into the Archipelago by
the Dutch and English Governments, these sea gypsies
were notorious for their piratical propensities, though
less formidable than Illanuns, owing to the smallness of
their prows ; which, while it rendered them harmless to
European shipping, did not cause them to be the less
0RANG LAUT, OR SEA GYTSIES. 107
dangerous to the native trade, which is generally carried
on in vessels of small burdens. The smallness of the
draught of their boats, and the thorough acquaintance
which their crews had with the coasts, enabled them to
lurk amongst the rocks or under the shelter of the man-
grove bushes. Thus concealed, they could watch oppor-
tunities to pounce on the traders whom they judged they
could easily master. By these means they kidnapped,
when even on the threshold of their homes, the inhabit-
ants of the coast of Java, Sumatra, and the Malayan
Peninsula, to which countries their cruising ground was
mostly confined. This piratical propensity, though
curbed, is by no means extinguished, but only lies
dormant. The tribes, though professing Islamism, are
only partial observers of its tenets ; they circumcise, and
refrain from eating the flesh of swine, but are immoder-
ately fond of intoxicating liquors. They had purchased
arrack in large quantities for then carousals at Pulo
Tingi, and I have seen an individual of their class
swallow half a bottle of brandy without flinching. Like
most indigenous tribes, the small-pox proves dreadfully
fatal to them ; of its vicinity they betray the greatest
terror, so much so as to overcome all natural feelings.
While I was surveying the shores of the island in July,
1849, I learned that one of their chiefs, by name Batin
Gwai, had brought the seeds of the disease with him
from Singapore, where it was then raging, and was now
ill of it at Pulo Tingi, in a small hut on its western shore.
In this miserable condition he was deserted by his mother
and family, and would have died in solitude, had there
not even here been found a good Samaritan, in the
person of a Chinese, who, notwithstanding he and all
his goods incurred the pantang (taboo) for a month,
attended upon him to the last, and buried him when dead.
The Chinaman was a small trader, and made his living
108 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
by exchanging rice, etc., with the Orang Lauts ; but they
would buy nothing of him, nor have any personal com-
munication with him until the month was elapsed.
" The Orang Laut believe that the small-pox is a
separate malignant spirit, who moves about from one
place to another ; and those of the tribe that were located
on the east side of the island closed all the paths that led
to the western with thorns and bushes, for as they said,
'He {i.e., the spirit) can get along a clear pathway, but
he cannot leap over or pass through the barrier that we
have erected.'
" We took on board of our surveying vessel two young
men of the Bru tribe to point out and name the shoals
and other topographical features, — Chalong and Attak,
the former of rather prepossessing appearance and
pleasing deportment, considering the race he belonged
to, who, judging from the large collection that I saw,
were the most ill-favoured of races. Living, as they do,
constantly in small boats, — men, women, and children,
with cats, dogs, fireplace and cooking utensils, huddled
together, — cleanliness and regularity, with their concom-
itant comforts, were unknown. One prow generally
contains, besides the head of the family, a grandmother,
mother, and several young children, — these, when on
expeditions, they carry to a place of safety, and the male
part only proceed dut. The filthiness of their habits,
and* coarse mode of living, generate cutaneous diseases;
leprous discolouration of the skin is frequent, particularly
on the hands and feet ; itch covers, in some cases, their
bodies, from head to foot, with a scaly covering. Their
complexion is made darker than the agricultural or land
Malays, and their features are much coarser. Some of
the men were notable for their great muscular strength
and breadth of shoulder. Their hair they allow to grow
and fall down in long shaggy matted locks over their
ORAXG LAUT, OR SEA GYPSIES. 109
face and shoulders ; when it straggled so far forward as
to interfere with then vision, they would shake it off
backwards, disclosing a face sometimes the most ugly
and disagreeable that I had ever witnessed ; in which
the symptoms of no stray virtue could be detected, but
utterly forbidding and typical of ferocity and degeneracy.
I could not fancy such a people to be capable of a single
act of commiseration to the unhappy victims of their
piracy, and could only feel pity for those that are so
unfortunate as to come under then power. They and
their tribe look upon the Chinese and Cochin Chinese as
of no account, and are well known frequently to despatch
them in cold blood, as they would spear a turtle, for the
sake of a bag of rice, or a few cents which then victims
may have about them.
"Though the vice of piracy may be stamped on the
whole race, this development of ugliness of features did
not extend to all ; but it was extremely common. The
women, with more subdued features, are equally ill-
favoured; such as are good looking are only so at a
tender age, — the exposed mode of living, and their share
in the toils of their husbands, combine to expel whatever
beauty they are possessed of. At early old age many are
absolutely hideous; the wrinkled skin and pendulous
exposed breasts, which they betrayed no wish to conceal,
presented a picture by no means pleasing to dwell on.
" The two young men of the tribe whom we took on
board as pilots, though necessarily upon their good
behaviour, could not occasionally entirely conceal the
predisposing habit of the toiler. Judging from occa-
sional expressions which escaped front them, they
appeared to look upon piracy as a highly manly pursuit,
and as giving them a claim to the approval of their
fellows. Thus Attak would occasionally say, the Orang
(men of) Gallang do so and so, or, such is the custom
HO HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
with them. He appeared to think that notorious class
of pirates highly worthy of imitation. When asked to
sing, he would say, ' I have none hut Gallang songs ; ' and
such as he gave I would take to he characteristic of that
people. I was hardly prepared to find the songs of
Gallang so entirely different from the style of the
Malayan. They possessed none of the soft plaintiveness
that predominates in the Malayan song.
" One day we were lying at anchor off Siribuat, waiting
for the turn of the tide. It was a calm sultry day,
when not a "cat's paw" was to be detected on the
surface of the water, and the sailors lay stretched under
the scanty shade that the awning over a flush deck
afforded. One of them had opened a cocoa-nut, and
in denuding the nut of its husk threw away the pieces,
which floated away in a long string astern. Chalong was
observed to be in a brown study, with his eyes fixed
on vacancy towards the receding pieces. On my asking
him what occupied his thoughts with such apparent
intentness, he replied, —
" ' With these cocoa-nut husks, how easy it is to
take a Cochin Chinese tope.'
" ' How do you manage that ? '
"'Why, Tuan, we light the fibres, and they burn
brightly by the addition of a little oil ; each light, as it
floats away, the Cochin Chinese take as a separate
sampan. This frightens them so much, that a single
sampan, with three men, will take a tope manned by a
dozen.'
" 'And how long is it since you took a tope in that
way?'
" 'Oh, such things were only done in olden times.'
" ' But you seem intimately acquainted with the
process ? '
" ' My grandfather told me. Now-a-days who would
ORANG LAUT, OR SEA GYPSIES. Ill
think of going on a cruize ? What with steamers and
gunboats, the pirates lead no easy life of it ; with the
hand of every man against them, they are forced to
lie concealed in deserted places, without food and water
for days in the mangrove, tormented by the sand-fly and
the mosquito, or out at sea, to be driven by the squalls
and tossed by the waves. If captives be taken, there is
no disposing of them now for their value in dollars,'
continued Chalong. ' I have heard of a junk full of
Chinamen redeemed at Sangora for a cutty of Java
tobacco each, and a few sugar-canes ; even this was
something, but now-a-days, if the goods be taken, the
life must be taken also, to save our own necks.'
" ' It is to be hoped that you will not follow the
example of your forefathers.'
" ' Oh no ; we have all become good people now.'
" ' Do you venture far out to sea in your small boats ? '
"'Yes, we occasionally cross to Borneo. If heavy
weather comes on, our prows are clever at sporting with
the waves ; and when they cannot bear any sail, we cast
out our wooden anchor, with a small scope of cable, so
as not to touch the ground, and sit quietly till the squall
is over.'
" These tribes — and I have fomid it to be the case with
the natives in the interior of the Peninsula, who are
nearly equally low in the scale of civilization — in a certain
measure look upon the powerful lower animals as their
co-equals. They have constant reason to dread their
physical powers, for they daily cross then path. In the
rivers the alligator frequently snatches its victim from
the small river-canoe, and in the forest they have
equal cause to beware of the tiger, elephant, rhinoceros,
and bear. These people, almost equally with the lower
animals, are entirely employed in searching for food;
they seem hardly cognizant of the fact that the reasoning
112 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
power of man, -when exercised, places him far above the
lower scale of creation. Thus the Malay of Kiddah,
when crossing the print of the foot of a tiger, will tell
you, " Say nothing had of him, he does not eat men, for
he is holy — he is our grandfather ! " Elephants, so
useful to them in carrying them across their wild and
difficult country, they will at times acknowledge to
have more sagacity even than themselves, and with that
animal and themselves they frequently institute a com-
parison; their constant theme is how they compassed
them when meeting wild ones in the jungle, and so forth.
" We found the shark to be regarded with the same
feelings by the Orang Laut. Thus, one day, on noticing
a shark following our track, Chalong remarked, —
"'We Orang Laut are not afraid of sharks. I have
never known an Orang Laut to be taken by one, -though
our occupation leads us constantly into the water, in
diving for shells and corals.'
" ' How do you account for that ? ' said I.
"'Why, Tuan, sharks are our brethren; they are
sea pirates like ourselves ; so they know better than to
meddle with us.'
" Then said I, ' I presume that the land pirates,
meaning tigers, will be equally friends ? '
"'No, Tuan,' said he, 'our tribe know the contrary
to our cost ; not long ago my uncle, when fetching water
at Tanjong Moran, was set upon and killed by no less
than eight tigers — they are our enemies.'"
Such was the people amongst whom Colonel Farquhar
settled himself down on the plain at Singapore, guarded
only by his thirty Malacca Malays. I have thought
I would not be wrong in adding to Abdulla's description
one of my own, drawn from life. While describing
the inhabitants, Abdulla also describes the animals,
which in his eyes appeared to be no less savage;
ABDULLA AND HIS CAT. 113
for of the rats he says, they abounded in incredible
numbers, all over the island, and were nearly the size of
cats, on whom they seem to have turned the tables, for
in his house, in which he kept a cat, he was awoke by a
great squalling, the cause of which soon appeared, after
a torch had been lit, in six or seven rats surrounding
poor pussy, some holding her by the ears, some by the
legs, and some by the chops, so that she could not move
nor do anything else but scream. And when the cat saw
him it increased its screaming, and was only relieved
by a number of neighbours collecting with sticks to
beat the monsters off.
114 HAKAYTT AJ3DULLA.
X.
AN ACTIVE TOWN-MAJOR.
" I now return to the affairs of Malacca since it bad been
made over (srah) by tbe Englisb to tbe Dutch. It
became a daily practice to overturn tbe customs, regula-
tions, and laws of tbe Englisb, to tbe great oppression of
tbe poor ; people were constantly fined, the jail was filled
to repletion. No one could dig a new w<ell but tbey
would be sent to jail for it. People were also incar-
cerated for building new bouses. And as to tbe secretary,
named Matimboor (?), be rode about every nigbf, and
sbould be tben catcb sigbt of the least bit of rubbish
near people's bouses, be would fine them ten or twelve
rupees. And if there were a dead fowl or rat in the
street in front of a house, the owner would be fined
twelve rupees. Further, if any of the sailors in the native
vessels should throw anything overboard, they would be
sent to jail for doing so. Thus tbe people of Malacca were
in great trouble at this time ; all swore that the Dutch,
as they went their rounds in their carriages daily, would
fine them for nothing at all. So when they came out of
tbe fort in this manner, or riding on horseback, all
would run off as fast as tbey could to their houses, and
taking their besoms, tbey would sweep their frontages,
for fear of tbe fines ; so, when they were going along,
the street would be chock full of sweepers, to the right
AN ACTIVE TOWN-MAJOR. 1 ] ~>
and the left, making tumultuous noises. Thus it went
on from day to day, till people called the secretary Mist* t
Sweep (peniapu). And when people spoke of him they
knew him only by that name. And all races cut
him and called him bad names. Knives and chopp< re
may be blunt, but the mouths of mankind are very
sharp.
Now as to the ways and doings of the Dutch, in every
resj)ect let them be known ; and I have great pleasure in
this respect, so that I do not tarry in abusing the country
itself, whether in regard to its houses, or eating, or drink-
ing ; and in its very truth I should relate the same to the
Malays or to other races. The doings of the Dutch at
Malacca exceeded what I have set forth; and from day to
day their oppressions increased. Owing to this the slaves
of God were roused, though the}" had not the fortitude to
turn on them, further than by praying to God and
asking His will. But three or four months had not
passed before Mister Sweep fell ill, as if he had become
mad, sitting trembling and crying, and saying that
people were beating him. Many doctors prescribed for
him without avail, nevertheless on he went crying. And
when left alone he would dash himself down here and
there, as if he would run away; and one night he cast
himself from the upper floor down to the road, and killed
himself, thus bringing infamy on himself. The moral
of these things is, that the}" should be taken as an ex-
ample by people of like propensities ; for God will surely
bring retribution on them, not by beating them with a
rod or a stone, or by arms, but by bringing evil on those
who do evil, and good on those who do good.
Then when all the people of Malacca heard that
Mister Sweep had died, they all held their hands upward
to heaven, saying, ' Amen, 0 Lord ! ' Was it not enough
that the Hollander had died before the evil of the
116 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
country was removed ? When the Sweep died, his wife
and children sailed for Batavia, but rumours arrived
that on the way his wife died also.
We now heard news that a settlement was being
formed at Singapore. Many did not believe this ; others
said the rumour was false, suggesting that they had
merely touched at the place to look at it ; others, again,
said it was impossible to make a town there, as it had
been cursed by the deceased of olden times. Again, it
was suggested that, if the town was to be formed by the
English, they would break down under the great ex-
penses; they were not such fools as to throw away
money. Such were the various opinions amongst the
Malacca folks. They had clever tongues, but this did
not help them.
Three or four days after this, a sampan came
with news that Colonel Farquhar was at Singapore now,
founding a settlement, and with him many Malacca
Malays ; directions also had been given to urge people
to send provisions, such as fowls, ducks, fruits, and the
like, for which they would obtain great profit. Yet many
people did not believe in this. On the morrow and day
after, another sampan arrived, bringing a letter from
Colonel Farquhar to his agent, ordering him to send his
effects. There were also letters from the people that were
with him, urging people to send provisions as above,
telling them at the same time that Colonel Farquhar
was there, and that he had hoisted the English flag,
though the arrangements for taking over the country
had not been completed, as they could not be settled till
Mr. Ptaffles arrived. So when the people heard this, they
were willing to carry provisions. But at that time there
were petty pirates, who would take fowls and even fishing
boats from the anchorage at Malacca, going east and
west without hindrance from the Dutch. On this account
PROVISIONING SINGAPORE.
117
half the people were afraid. Yet others went, taking the
risk for the sake of the great profits ; and when they got
to the Straits of Singapore, their profits were fourfold.
This came to the knowledge of others, when all took
heart to take goods ; others went to seek labour, others
for shopkeeping.
The news was now abroad ; so when the Hollanders
heard of the intended settlement by the English at
Singapore, they anticipated that it would make Malacca
a desert, and when they perceived the traffic in pro-
visions, ducks, and fowls, they got angry and stopped
it, not allowing a single thing to go out. So when
a boat was about to start, they seized it. Many
thus sustained losses from these seizures. When the
people saw this, they tried by stealth ; yet they were
found out, when they had their goods taken from them,
and were imprisoned and fined.
Now, a gunboat was set to blockade the Malacca
river with orders to lay hold of any prow about to sail
for Singapore ; vet many tried to get away, but their
goods were forfeited, while others eluded seizure. These
latter were sometimes met by pirates, who killed all ;
but if the sailors could jump out and swim, the prow
alone was taken. Thus twenties of prows belonging
to Malacca at that time were seized, the men only
getting back with the clothes on their back ; others were
lost, and others carried off to other countries to be sold
as slaves. Again, some prows had their goods only
taken out of them, and the crew rowed them back ; some
fought and got away, though many were killed on both
sides. Such was the state of things —all from the love
of profit.
The people coming and going at that time were also
in great terror of the Straits of Cocob, a place infested
with pirates. They kept on the look-out there, as it
118 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
is like a room, as no wind could affect theni ; so, on
account of the shelter, it was often run for, when they
were at once seized on ; for the pirates could see them,
and lie at the same time concealed. Thus were pira-
cies easily committed. And about this time there were
about forty young Malacca Malays of the Company Java,
who were proceeding to Singapore in a boat, who were
never heard of — all having been murdered — not even
the breath of them, as they had all fought, and thus
incurred the spite of the pirates.
Hundreds more found their way to Singapore, fleeing
from the punishments in Malacca, and the want of
employment, combined with the oppression of the
Hollanders; some laboured at wood-cutting, others at
house-building, others shopped, each to their business.
Yet they were in trouble as to whether Singapore would
be a success or not. To live at that time also was a great
difficulty, — a fowl cost two rupees ; a duck one dollar,
and not to be got; an egg, a wang (12£ cents or 6hl.), a
Jambu, five doits (halfpenny). Money was easy, but food
scarce, owing to the Hollanders forbidding the prows to
come from Malacca. If one did manage to come, then
the crew would conspire to set on prices at which no
one could buy. Thus one pine-apple would cost seven
wangs (3s. 9d.), one durian two rupees. I myself have
bought durians which were not perfect. Furniture was
also very dear.
To proceed. By the will of the Almighty the Dutch
Governor of Malacca, Timmerman Tysen, died, when
the punishments, seizures, and fines were lessened.
The people of Malacca also ceased their cursing ; they
now had breathing time given them, as the regulations
became less strict. But he died in bad odour, for there
were many rich men of the place whom he had im-
poverished, by his borrowing money from them — he was
PROVISIONING SINGAPORE. H9
in debt all over the town— the Company's * interest {Le.
the Dutch Government) was much deteriorated and
wasted. And after his death his effects were sold by
public auction, with house and furniture, hut they did
not meet one-tenth of his debts.
The Malacca people were now as dry (impoverished)
as fish after being baked in the sun, owing to the difficulty
of finding a livelihood. No merchant prows came m,
English ships did not call, and capitalists lived on their
capital only. The people lost heart, as their houses,
mothers, fathers, children, and wives were idle. If they
had not had these, they would have flown from the place
at once. Rice also rose in value, so that the people
became much pinched. But they gave earnest love and
praise to Him who is abundantly good to His slaves, for
in their straits He had brought about an event, that is,
in the English founding Singapore, by which the
Malacca people obtained subsistence— the rich obtammg
their riches there, while the poor got their little also,
so that all breathed, all in their various degrees.
Even though they brought rubbish from Malacca to
Singapore at that time, they could make money of it,
but°more especially with the better class of goods, as
other countries had not heard of the settlement of Singa-
pore. For this cause prows were not sent to it. But
with this the piracies on fowls and ducks increased,
unless they were carried in large prows well armed with
brave crews. Nor were there many owners of prows m
Malacca, as there are at present, such as of ketches, topes,
schooners, and the like ; indeed, at that time few had
them, and freights were high— the passage-money bemg
three dollars a head, food not provided. Many also were
of opinion that the affair of Singapore would be for the
time only, and never to be established, for they were led
« Company is by the natives confounded with Government.
120 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
by the Hollanders' assertions in Malacca that it could
never rise."
The Malacca people had evidently not tasted of the
oppressiveness of modern municipal corporations, and
no doubt, under the English, they had Bengal convicts
to clean their doors without expense to them; their
position as citizens being thus a highly favoured one.
No doubt citizens living under modern municipal corpora-
tions have this comfort, such as it is, viz. that while being
squeezed they can say they themselves voted for their
oppressors ; but it was not so with the Malacca people,
they had the oppressors (lenient ones, no doubt, if we
may judge from our own experience) assigned to them by
an independent authority. This is where the shoe really
pinched ; and further, which aggravated the case, Mr.
Town Major Sweep would have the credit, in native eyes,
of putting all the fines into his own pocket, and not into
the capacious chest of a corporation. Thus I have
noticed that when a bully, a drunkard, an owner of a
stray goat or a cow, the driver of a runaway horse, has
had to pay down one to five pounds by way of fine and
supplement to the Mayor's salary, they have shown no
revengeful feeling ; for was not that same exacting Mayor
put in office by their and their fellow citizens' votes ?
but here in Malacca, the renowned city of the East, the
citizens could not even take this salve to their wounded
souls or pride, nor, as Abdulla expresses himself, had
they the fortitude to turn on their oppressors.
Here, then, we have the relative advantages and disad-
vantages of autocratic and representative government
clearly brought out. The former may be lenient, yet the
people hate it ; the latter may be oppressive, yet they
love it. With autocratic governments, therefore, slow-
MALAY PIRACY. 121
burning discontent, well concealed, long smoulders till it
bursts forth without warning as a volcano. Is not this
a mimic illustration of the Sepoy rebellion in British
India, though the causes are not so deep or so protracted?
Abdulla well describes the doubts of people in the success
of a new colony, and the petty jealousy of small settle-
ments. The dangers of the passage are not overstated,
and the Strait of Cocob is depicted quite in accordance
with its notoriety. I surveyed this passage in 1845,
and no place could be more admirably fitted for piracy.
The Island of Cocob is covered with mangrove bush,
and shallow flats prevent any approach by large vessels ;
thus, to follow the pirates into the shallows or the thick-
nesses of the forest would be impossible ; but since those
days the introduction of steam has alleviated the troubles
and disasters of the small traders greatly, though piracy
can never be entirely eradicated.
It used to be a subject of great astonishment to us
to see such men as Hume, Cobden, and Bright support-
ing the piratical interest against Sir James Brooke.
No doubt they did this with the best intentions, though
it is wonderful how minds become perverted by distance
and want of practical knowledge.
Abdulla, in continuation of his narrative, details the
negotiations between Sir Stamford Raffles, after his
arrival at Singapore, and the native chiefs, for the final
giving over of the territory, in which there cannot be
much public interest.
122 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XL
TEE SINGAPORE INSCRIPTION.
"Now Mr. Baffles and Colonel Farqubar consulted about
extending tbe town of Singapore, wben the latter thought
that Campong Glam was the direction for the mercan-
tile part and the bazaars; but Mr. Baffles opined that
the other side of the river was the proper site. To this
Colonel Farqubar objected, the place being nothing but
swamp, with bad water; and, besides, the cost of raising
the land would be great. To this Mr. Baffles replied,
that if Campong Glam were made the place for mer-
chants, the other side would be a mere waste for hundreds
of years, and not even then improved. Thus they were
full of thought, one saying this, the other that ; each
devising plans. So they thought over this for three
days, when it struck Mr. Baffles that he might cut down
the hill near the Point, and spread it on the marsh. So
Chinese, Malay, and Kling coolies, to the number of
two or three hundred, were set to dig and carry the earth ;
others were set to break the rocks, which were here
very plentiful and large. So each set to their special
work as if a battle were raging.
Now, at this time the price of labour was high, viz.
one rupee a day. So at night a bag was required to
carry the money for the payment of the labourers, and
Mr. Baffles himself visited the works, to give directions
THE SINGAPORE INSCRIPTION. 123
to the overseers who had charge of the men. Nor was
Colonel Farquhar idle, being on horseback every morn-
ing, seeing that the land was sectionized far and near,
which he sold by auction, or else gave away ; for all was
under forest, — the object being to get it cleared. Now
Colonel Farquhar suggested that I should take a bit for
myself at Cainpong Glam, as he thought it would be the
mercantile quarter ; so I took me to place a house thereon
with plank walls, but I remained there under constant
fear, as I was surrounded by forest.
But to return to the subject. It was three or four
months before the hill was removed and levelled, and
the hollows filled up. Yet there remained some
stones as big as elephants, and some were even bigger ;
these proved of great use, for they were split up by
the Chinese, and used in building their houses, thus
causing no expense, as they were glad to get them.
And at that time people found a flat and smooth
stone at the Point, about a fathom square. This
was covered with cut letters, but which no one could
read, as it had been decayed by the action of water for
many hundreds or thousands of years. And people of the
various races assembled to see it, — the Hindoos saying
it was Hindoo, but they could not make it out ; the
Chinese said it was Chinese. And I went with Messrs.
Raffles and Thomsen to see it, and I took the letters to
be Arabian ; but they were not decipherable, as the stone
had been so long exposed to the tides. Many clever
men went to read the inscription, some bringing paste
with them to press into the hollows, and then raising
the mould ; others brought black ink, smearing the stone
to make the letters clearer ; — all expended then- abilities
in trying to make out the language and characters, but
could not do so. So the stone remained there, under
the action of the tide, when Mr. Raffles, in consultation
124 HAKAYTT ABDULLA.
"with me, arrived at the conclusion that the letters were
Hindoo, for that race was the earliest to come to these
countries under the wind (i.e. eastward), first to Java,
Bali, and Siam. All these are descendants of the Hindoos,
vet none could find out the tenor of the inscription.
Then after they had filled up all the soft places,
swamps, mud, and gutters, they surveyed it and sold it
by auction ; and if any one would know the site of the
hill from whence the earth was taken, it was at the point
of Singapore where now the garden is (in Commercial
Square), and in which all kinds of flowers are planted.
And I have heard that it was the intention of the in-
habitants to erect on this site a statue of Mr. Raffles, in
memory of his great deeds ; but why this should not have
been done I know not the reason thereof. The site is
just opposite the premises of Mr. Spottiswoode (Spottis-
woode & Connelly)."
Abdulla here relates an incident at the origin of the
settlement that I have often thought of, viz., why Sir
Stamford should have chosen for his relatives Section
No. 1 on the Singapore side, and Colonel Farquhar Section
No. 1 on the Campong Glam side. It will appear they
had different views as to the future extension of the
town. Besides this, Colonel Farquhar chose suburban
property, on which he planted many valuable fruit-trees
of various kinds ; but, like many public-spirited men, he
had to part with it on leaving. All these properties must
now be very valuable.
Mr. Thomsen, the German missionary here mentioned,
and so much commented on by Abdulla, seems to have
come to Singapore at a very early date. Before I
arrived in 1838 he had left, but I went over the remnants
THE GERMAN MISSIONARY. 125
of bis mission labours, which here took fche sbape of
a model farm, in which Malay boys were supposed to be
taugbt industrious babits. Tbe site was fixed at Tullo
Blanga, on tbe most barren soil imaginable, in which
cloves bad been planted ; but when I saw tbe place only
one or two trees were living, and tbe whole of tbe pro-
perty was in a great state of neglect. There was plain
evidence tbat tbe good missionary's efforts bad been un-
successful, for after spending about 15,000 dollars, tbe
place was sold to a Cbinaman for 300 dollars only. It
is bard to fight against nature. Is Colenso right in
saying we must humour it if we are to succeed ?
Tbe stone mentioned by Abdulla was broken to pieces
in a most vandalic manner by the local engineer,
whereas by a little care it might have been saved. I
have often scanned the remnants of the inscription with
great curiosity, but could make out none of the letters.
It was a very rare piece of antiquity, and I understand
that Prinsep was of opinion that the characters were
obsolete Hindoo.
A bust by Chantrey is aU that Singapore possesses as a
memorial of Sir Stamford Raffles. It is, I need not say,
an excellent one.
The narrative continues to say that Sir Stamford
advised Abdulla to buy sections, which advice he stupidly
did not follow.
126 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XII.
AN AMOK.
"I now proceed to the subject of Colonel Farquhar having
been stabbed. The origin of the fact was thus : — There
was a Syed, a native of Pahang, named Syed Essen, who
traded between that place and Singapore, and he had
goods on credit from Pangeran Shirrij Omer, a native of
Palembang. Now he was in debt to Syed Mahomed
Junid 400 dollars, and to the Pangeran about 1000.
And when he came to Singapore the Pangeran asked
him for the money, at which he was annoyed.
So a summons was issued, and the claim tried before
Colonel Farquhar, who inquired into the matter, when it
was decided that the debt amounted to 1400 dollars. So
Colonel Farquhar told Syed Essen that he had decided
that his debt was as above, and asked him what he had
to say in the matter. To this Syed Essen replied, that
he had no money at the time, but that he would pay it
next year. To this Colonel Farquhar replied, that it did
not rest with him, but with the Pangeran, and that if he
would put it off it could be done. Then the Pangeran
said, ' I cannot do so, as I have to settle accounts with
Syed Mahomed Junid.' Then said Colonel Farquhar to
Syed Essen, ' If you can give security I can let you go ;
if not, I must imprison you.' To this Syed Essen replied,
' Where can I get security, as I am a stranger ? ' On this
AN AMOK. 127
the Pangeran said, 'If he don't find security, then I would
ask that he he imprisoned, for I know he has money,
only he will not pay me.' So the Pangeran went away.
The magistrate, Mr. Barnard, then carried Syed Essen
to prison. This was ahout two o'clock in the day, and it
was not thought of to examine him for weapons — for he
had a kris hid under his coat. At about five in the
evening, he solicited Mr. Barnard to allow him to see
the Pangeran, to try if he could not prevail on him to
give him credit. This was granted, a peon who was a
Hindoo, following him in charge.
It was about evening when they entered the fence of
the Pangeran, his determination being to kill him. The
Hindoo remained at the outer door, Syed Essen alone
entering; and when the Pangeran saw him coming,
with an altered face he ran into the inner rooms, locking
the door after him and getting .out of the back door on
the sea-shore, when he made for the house of Colonel
Farquhar, telling him of the Syed's rushing at him with
a drawn kris. The day was now spent.
So Syed Essen waited a little, to see if the Pangeran
would come out again ; but seeing he did not, he came
out himself, and approaching the peon, he was told to be
quick, as night was drawing on. On hearing this he
stabbed the peon, who at once fell dead near the outer
gate. Syed Essen then returned into the house of the
Pangeran, seeking him again to kill him; but the
Pangeran at this time was in Colonel Farquhar's house,
afraid to return.
This was about seven in the evening. And I just at
that time was on my way to teach Mr. John Morgan
the Malay language, and as I was in the middle of
the road I met Colonel Farquhar with his son, Andrew
Farquhar, and son-in-law. Captain l>;ivis. accompanied
by four sepoys armed with guns; also one carrying a
128 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
pole in the front. The Pangeran was with them. And
when Colonel Farquhar saw me he said, ' Where are you
gohi" ? ' I told him I was going to the house of Mr.
Morgan. So he said, ' Don't do so ; but come along
with me, for there is an amoker near the Pangeran' s
house.'
So I approached him, and went along with him to the
Pangeran' s house, where we all entered the fence that
surrounded it, hut found no one. Then said Colonel
Farquhar, 'Where is this Syed Essen?' To this the
Pangeran replied, that he was here shortly ago, but now
no one can see him, yet there is the peon dead at the
gate. I went in myself, and had come out when Colonel
Farquhar also came out into the main road. He
thought a little and then went into the house to search
again, but came out again. This he did three times
without meeting any one.
Now, when Syed Essen saw a number of people
coming, he went below the public hall and hid himself
there. The public hall was in the centre of the lawn,
which was thickly covered with mangostan trees ; thus he
had not been seen. So Colonel Farquhar came away as far
as the bridge, where I followed him, as I wanted to see
the end of the affair. Then suddenly a thought struck
Colonel Farquhar to go back to the house ; so we all
returned and entered. Now, when we had got to the
centre of the lawn, Colonel Farquhar pushed his stick
under the public hall or summer-house — I being near
to him — on which Syed Essen unexpectedly thrust his
arm from below the verandah, and with a crouch-
ing spring stabbed Colonel Farquhar in the breast,
just over the nipple, the kris passing through the cloth
coat and shirt, which were covered with blood. On this
Colonel Farquhar cried out that he was wounded. I ran
to him and saw his coat covered with blood, and as
AX AMOK. 129
I approached be fell, so I held him. Now Andrew
Farquhar, the son, had a sword in his hand ; with this he
struck the Syed in the mouth, cutting his face as far
hack as his ear. After this the sepoys rushed forward and
thrust him through with their bayonets ; on this they
threw down their muskets and ran away. And when
Captain Davis saw this he went off to the sepoy lines ;
but Syed Essen by this time was dead. Colonel Far-
quhar could not walk from loss of blood, and of the
people that remained there was myself, Andrew Far-
quhar, and the man with the pole ; so we supported him
till we got to the house of Mr. Guthrie, where Ave laid
him on a sofa.
Now there arose a great consternation, people running
hither and thither, when his daughters arrived in great
grief and lamentation. With these Doctor Montgomerie
came also. He took out a silver needle and probed the
wound, when he told the daughters not to cry, as the
wound was not deep, but merely a flesh one, and that he
would soon be well ; he at the same time put a smelling
bottle to his nose. This eased him, his coat was now
opened and the blood washed, and medicine placed on it.
The people had now assembled so as to fill the
place where Syed Essen lay, and every European
(orang putik, or white men) stabbed at and cut the
corpse of Syed Essen till it was in shapeless pieces. On
this two or three hundred sepoys came in haste, not
having time to put on their clothes, — some coatless,
others without their inner clothes, and some naked, — but
all carrying muskets and cartridges either over their
shoulders or hips; thej- also drew behind them twelve
cannons, all primed, and surrounded the fence of the
Tomimgong, placing the guns there in position. There
were also men ready with the match to let off the guns,
on getting orders to do so. Captain Davis ran along-
K
130 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
side of the sepoys here and there. This was the time
that there was no moon at nights, so torches, candles,
and matches were lighted by the hundreds ; so there was
a great commotion in all the people of the other side
hastening across the river, hut there was not a single
Malay to he seen, all having been chased away by the
sepoys.
At this point Mr. Raffles also made his appearance
in great haste. Leaping out of his carriage, he sought
Colonel Farquhar, and when he saw that he was not
killed, he then went to see the corpse of Syed Essen. At
the same moment a person' was bringing fire, with the
intention of taking it into the Pangeran's court, when he
stumbled over the legs of the dead peon which was lying
at the front gate ; there was on this another hubbub
about his death. Now Mr. Raffles took a candle to view
the corpse of Syed Essen, and he asked of the people
assembled, 'Who is this ? ' But no one knew him. He
now came to me and asked me if I knew who it was. I
told him no ; but that I had been acquainted with Syed
Essen when he was carrying on his suit with the
Pangeran, but his body was so cut up that I could not
know it to be his. I perceived that Mr. Raffles at first
suspected that the Tomungong's followers had stabbed
him {i.e. Colonel Farquhar). Captain Davis now came
several times to Mr. Raffles, asking for sanction to fire
the cannons, but he was ordered to wait. Mr. Barnard
now came running from the other side, and when he saw
the peon's body, then he recollected of his having been
sent with Syed Essen to see the Pangeran. He then
hastened to see the corpse of Syed Essen, when he
sickened at the fault he had committed. So he went
forward to Mr. Raffles, and saluting him, told him that
the corpse was that of Syed Essen, adding, 'He a short
time ago asked me to allow him to see the Pangeran
AN AMOK. 181
about his debt, when I consented, the peon being in
charge.' And when Mr. Raffles beard this, his eyes
flashed fire with rage, and clenching his fist in the face
of Mr. Barnard, so as to knock off his hat, he said,
' Have you care, sir ; if Farquhar dies, I shall hang you
in Singapore.' At this Mr. Barnard bent before him
and asked his forgiveness.
Now for the first time did people know that the dead
man Syed Essen had stabbed Colonel Farquhar, and
not the Tomungong's followers. So Mr. Raffles again
went to see Colonel Farquhar, who could now speak
a little, the doctor still being in waiting. Mr. Raffles
again came down and ordered a blacksmith to be called,
and four at once came, when he scored on the sand
with his finger a thing like a barred box, about the
height of a man, saying, ' Let me have this done by
seven to-morrow morning,' — which they did accordingly.
At length they took Colonel Farquhar to his house,
helping him into his carriage, all the people going along
with him. Mr. Raffles also ordered Captain Davis to
take back the cannons, with the sepoys. After that four
convicts came and tied a rope to the feet of Syed Essen,
and carried the corpse to the middle of the plain, where
there was a guard of sepoys, and they threw it on the
ground.
On the morrow Mr. Raffles went to the house of
Colonel Farquhar and sat there, when Sultan Hussain
Shah and the Tomungong, with all their councillors
and chiefs, came ; also all the English merchants,
and the men of all races in thousands. And
after they had gathered together, Mr. Raffles seated
himself on the bench, asking of the Sultan and Tomun-
gong as to the laws of the Malays regarding a Buhjeet
drawing the blood of his Raja or Governor. Then the
Sultan replied, ' Such a crime by a subject is punished
132 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
by the execution of himself and his wives and children ;
he is cast out from his people, the pillars of his house
are overturned, it is thrown to the ground, and the
vestiges are thrown into the sea.'
When Mr. Raffles heard this, he dissented to the
judgment as being unrighteous, saying, that to him who
does wrong should the punishment come ; so why should
the wives and children be punished, who knew nothing
of the offence ? Then he said, ' 0, Sultan, Tomungong,
and all ye that are here assembled, hear what is
enacted by English law. The murderer according to it
shall be hung; and if not alive, the corpse is hung, not-
withstanding. And to the wives and children, the East
India Company will give allowances, till they have
married again, or the children have become old enough
to seek for themselves. Such is the custom of the white
people.' Then at the same time he ordered the corpse
to be brought and put in a buffalo cart, which was
thereupon sent round the town to the beat of the gong,
informing all the European and native gentlemen to look
at this man who had drawn blood from his Raja or
Governor ; and that the law was that he should not live,
but in death even he should be hung. When they had
sufficiently published this, then they carried the corpse
to Tanjong Maling, at the Point of Tullo Ayer, where
they erected a mast on which they hung it, in an iron
basket (i.e. barred box), which I have mentioned before ;
and there it remained for ten or fifteen days, till the
bones only remained. After this the Sultan asked the
body from Mr. Raffles, which was granted : not till then
was it washed and buried."
RUNNING AMUCK. 133
This is an account of one of those occurrences which
have made the Malays notorious all over the world,
termed in English " running amuck ; " the Malays them-
selves pronounce it as " amo," and it is written in the
Jawi character as " amok." On referring to Marsden, I
perceive that authority, hesides giving various significa-
tions, applied both to men and beasts, calls the " amok "
the commission of indiscriminate murder in a frenzy.
The late assassinations of Lord Mayo and Chief Justice
Norman, though not committed by Malays, would be
called " amoks." One of the Governors of Bencoolen
was thus " amoked " in his own sitting-room, where he
met instant death, owing to his having by mistake struck
the son of a Malay chief with Ins whip when taking his
evening airing in a buggy.* A Dutch admiral was
"amoked" on his own quarter-deck when receiving a
Javanese chief and his family on board, he having
saluted (as was the custom of his country at that time)
the chiefs daughter. He died on the spot for the
supposed insult. In the case of the Lieutenant-Governor
of Singapore, his being " amoked " appears to have been
a mere chance collision, the intended victim having been
another native by whom the " arnoker " had been im-
prisoned. The real cause of the " amok " was the
imprisonment — an insult to a descendant of the Prophet,
and how artfully was the intended revenge concealed
from the jailor !
In this short account of an occurrence, Abdulla's
prejudices and proclivities as a Mahomedan came, unex-
pectedly to me, more strongly out than I have perceived
elsewhere, or else his credulity is greater than I antici-
pated. There appears to have been a good deal of
religious fanaticism induced in the melee. In Mahomedan
* It is curious that on this very day accounts have arrived that
another has been assassinated in this same Bencoolen.
134 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
eyes the holy Syed had merely killed a Kafir (the
Hindoo) and wounded a Nazarene (Colonel Farquhar),
so he dilates much on the cowardice of the Hindoo
sepoys, and the utter inefficiency of their English
officers. The barbarities that he ascribes to the British
gentlemen composing the European residents, I may
emphatically state as without foundation, and totally
inconsistent with their character. This has been a mere
rumour of fanatics. He gives a ludicrous account of
the behaviour of all, and describes every one concerned
as having lost their heads, save and excepting Sir Stam-
ford Baffles himself, who appears to have acted with
energy and decision.
The severity of Malay laws on such occasions, as
described by the Sultan, may be obnoxious to our moral
code, yet they are the most applicable to the genius of
the people, and form notoriously the safety-guards to
native rulers, who have never been known to be assassin-
ated. The treatment of Syed Essen's body was a piece
of impotent revenge, which by its savageness and un-
meaningness was calculated to create a reaction in the
"amoker's" favour. Thus Syed Essen's grave at Tan-
jong Pagar is to this day a place of pilgrimage, and he
himself is accounted a great saint. Thus the effect of
the exposure of his body took a direction opposite to
what was intended.
( 135 )
XIII.
ON WEARING WEAPONS.
" Now, in my estimation it is very foolish in those who
oppose the custom of the English, which prevents people
wearing arms, for there is great wisdom in their so
doing. For no douht, if people will wear arms, they do it
with the intention of using them, i.e. to stab either
men or beasts. Also, when there is a weapon on the
body, it is thought of no consequence. But look at
the effects of it in Malay countries, where weapons are
always borne, and we see people stabbed daily, as well
as people amoking (running amuck). But, praise be
to God, in my native country Malacca it is difficult to
hear of such an event once in the year. Further, all
evils arise from and have their origin in wearing arms
in all places. It is but right that people should have
arms for warfare, or in places infested by wild animals ;
but if not in such circumstances, they are of course use-
less. Further, from the wearing of arms arise pride,
vanity, and laziness in duty; whence proceed poverty
and ignorance in a nation, owing to the few real workers
and men of intelligence. It is the feeling amongst all
Malays who live under the English and Dutch Govern-
ments, that it is a great hardship and unfairness that
there should be such strictness against wearing arms-
then* impression being that they thereby have the great-
136 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
ness of their ancestry taken from them ; but thus they
only disclose their stupidity in being angry at what is
not intended."
These remarks are admirable, and will be fully
assented to by all subjects belonging to industrial
nations, who have well organized laws and institutions.
Safety to life and property is held by a very loose tenure
where each man has to protect his own by force of arms.
Strength and cunning there over-rule justice and equity.
( 137 )
XIV.
RAFFLES FOUNDING THE SINGAPORE INSTITUTE.
"On a certain day Mr. Raffles called together all the
European gentlemen, merchants, and ship captains,
together with the Sultan and Tomungong, with their
chiefs ; and entertained them in his house at the top of
the hill. The Malay victuals were prepared in the house
of the Tomungong, at Mr. Raffles' expense. After they
had done eating and drinking, then Mr. Raffles came
and sat beside the Sultan and Tomungong, to whom he
thus addressed himself, "I have a strong desire of great
consequence which I wish to make known to you, as
well as to all present." On this the Sultan asked what
it was. Mr. Raffles then said that the son of the Sultan
and the son of the Tomungong, together with two or
three companions and followers, sons also of chiefs, he
wished to send to the Governor-General of Bengal, in
order that they might learn English, writing, arithmetic.
and other kinds of knowledge, in order that they might
not remain ignorant, like other Malays who were not
fond of study ; arguing further, that while they were
young they could learn quickly, and so that in four or
five years they would he finished ; ' thus in times here-
after' (addressing himself to the Sultan), 'when your
son becomes Sultan, he will be one that is accomplished
above all others.' He added, ' See, 0 Sultan, in Singa-
138 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
pore, in all the races there are merchants, excepting
amongst the Malays. This is owing to their not learning
the more important duties ; first, they do not understand
accounts, nor writing ; now if the sons of sultans were
clever in these, the same would be entered on by other
Malays. Now, I would be glad if your people could
elevate themselves in this respect.' The Sultan was
silent for a moment and did not answer, at length he
said, ' Very good, sir. Wait a little till I think it over ;
in a few days I will give you an answer.' Then said
Mir. Raffles, ' Don't be concerned about the passage
money, and the other expenses, for I will make it
known to the Governor-General, and he will have a
nice house prepared, with clever tutors, who will teach
your children, whereby in after times they will be able
to understand and gain acquirements, experience,
judgment, and knowledge.' On this the Sultan and
Tomungong arose and left for their homes, accompanied
by then chiefs and followers.
It was about two Fridays after this that the Sultan
and Mr. Raffles met at the house of Colonel Farquhar,
for on that day there was a trial of an ' amoker,' who
had 'amoked' at Campong Glam; and when this was
over, Mr. Raffles asked the Sultan about their former
discourse. The Sultan hesitated, and then said it would
not do, as he had consulted his wife, who would not part
with her son, but added that if there were a school in
Singapore, that she would allow him away from her.
When Mr. Raffles heard this he changed countenance,
and added that he would have this done, for the sake of
elevating the understanding of the Malays ; and if the
Sultan be against this, it would be to the Sultan's own
loss; and further, that in future his children would be
wanting in understanding, and of the usual sample of
Malay rajas.
RAFFLES FOUNDING THE SINGAPORE INSTITUTE. 139
Now, to my notions the stupidity and shortsightedness
of the Sultan are clear. Was it not a good and great
assistance that was intended by Mr. Baffles in training
and teaching their children ? Think of it, 0 ye gentle-
men ; how many are there who could undertake such
a thing as this, with its attendant expenses? Had one
the wish to send any children to Bengal, would it not cost
thousands of dollars ? But more than this, there would
have been the honour of being with the children of the
Governor-General, learning with them, and living at
ease in houses such as the}7 live in. And, supposing the
young princes had been sent, as desired by Mr. Baffles,
even now would they have especially been equal to the
responsibilities of taking over their fathers' positions.
Neither would they be grasping after the world's goods.
It is not, as you see now — as the tree in the forest struck
by the gale, there it falls. Moreover, as they say,
knowledge is valueless in the world to come, but only of
use in this passing one ; but this saying rests on our own
free will, for it is laid down in many books to seek, and
it is the more and more lawful to learn, all kinds of
acquirements, besides knowledge of accounts and such
like. Now if this be not right, how can their belief
be confirmed to us also, till the future, in its full truth-
fulness ? But this cannot be, and from this comes great
sorrow to my heart, when I see the state of mankind,
having neither care for the present nor for the future,
but wallowing in their own sensuality. As the proverb
says, A speaking idiot is a compound one — a double
distilled fool. A single fool has no understanding, and
a double fool will not understand, though he be in-
structed— and, as coming from them, they make me the
biggest fool of all. A cat leaping, does it startle me from
my sleep, or does a cock crow till near noon ?
Now, regarding the conversation of Mr. Baffles, when
140 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the Sultan had listened to it, as related above, he was
silent — not only not making any sounds, but resting from
devising. Mr. Baffles was also silent, but his silence was
eminently much more useful than our cogitations. About
one month after this the Sultan, Tomungong, and all the
leading men of the Europeans were invited to the house'
of Colonel Farquhar, where they assembled at ten in
the morning, none knowing the object of their coming
together. After all had assembled, Mr. Baffles entered,
first paying his respects to the Sultan and Tomungong,
seating them on either side of himself. Then, address-
ing the Sultan, he said, ' 0 Sultan, Tomungong, and
all ye gentlemen here gathered together, I have a desire
to give effect to, to wit, an undertaking of the greatest
utility to this and to future generations ; for to-day we
live that we may die, and then pass away. Now, if we
can show good deeds, we are named as good hereafter ;
and if bad, so accordingly. Now, while we have the
opportunity, let us make a good name, for future genera-
tions. Now, what I desire to do is to erect an edifice in
which all races can be taught, each in their own language,
and by their own schoolmasters, in all knowledge which
pertains to true intelligence, such as may be imparted
to each and every one, saving and excepting such as
affects faith ; confining the institution to languages,
writing, arithmetic, astronomy (literally, roundness of
the earth), geography, etc. But my greatest anxiety is
to advance the Malays, by easy degrees, in their own
language — otherwise, let each race have its assigned
place, and all this without expense, but let the teaching
be gratuitous ; the country will increase in population
in time, so if there be such an institute, its fame will
spread to all races. What do you gentlemen think of
my proposition — is it good or not?' The Sultan and
Tomungong replied that the proposition was excellent,
RAFFLES FOUNDING THE SINGAPORE INSTITUTE. 141
as their children would thus he enahled to ohtain instruc-
tion. All the European gentlemen also expressed them-
selves as approving of the scheme. Then said Mr. Karnes,
' Let us settle the matter by subscribing to the erection
of the edifice.' To this all replied assenting. On this
Mr. Raffles took pen and paper, and by way of pre-
cedence to the East India Company he wrote down
2000 dollars, himself adding from his private purse the
same sum. Then he asked, with a smile, what the Sultan
would give ; shall it be 2000 also ? But he replied, with
a loud exclamation and a laugh, that he was a poor man,
so where would he get 2000 dollars ? To this Mr. Eaffles
argued that he should give more than he gave, as the
undertaking was of immediate utility to the Malays,
and greatly more so than to the English ; but let it
be 1000 dollars. Then he asked the Tomungong to give
1000 dollars, Colonel Farquhar the same, Dr. Martin
200, and Lady Raffles 200. After this the various
European gentlemen gave their quota, the whole
amounting to 17,500 Spanish dollars.
Then, when this had been settled and the money
collected, which was reckoned up by Mr. Eaffles himself,
it only remained to select a site for the Institute ; conse-
quently, on a certain evening he went on foot with Colonel
Farquhar, conversing as they proceeded, till tiny arrived
at Bras Bussa creek, where they halted to look around.
There used to be here a sand-hill covered with scrub.
They then returned home— but on the morrow, men were
sent to fell the trees and to level the site ; and in five
days more there came bricks, lime, and artificers, with
the whole material for house building, and in about a
month's time the foundations were excavated. This
done, in the year of the Messiah 1823, on a certain day,
the Europeans, also the Sultan and Tomungong, as-
sembled, together with all the Malays, where there was
142 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
a squared stone with a hole made in it, closed with iron.
This they placed below the door ; on which Mr. Raffles
arrived, and the people then collected around him. He
then took out a golden rupee from his pocket and put
it in the hole. The European gentlemen also put in
dollars, to the amount of eighty. A Chinese artificer
then fixed the fastenings with lead, to prevent its being
reopened. So they laid the stone below the door, and,
as they raised it erect, a salute of twelve guns was fired
on the hill ; and hereupon Mr. Raffles named the building
' Institution.' So the building was raised ; and during
the progress three Chinese fell from the scaffolding, and
were killed by their heads being broken on the stones."
Sir Stamford Raffles appears to have had a great
desire to elevate the native chiefs, but the ultimate
effects of this he may have miscalculated. Would not
a superior intelligence create an influence that would
sway the population, independently of all British
control ? * In tropical countries, under European sway,
there are evidently two influences at work in contrary
directions — did Raffles place himself as the umpire
between them, or did he ignore the one and embrace
the other ? In other words, were his countrymen mere
interlopers who, if cherished, would ultimately have a
deteriorating influence on the "closed service," or
bureaucracy? Did he lean more to the natives than
to his own countrymen, because, through them, he saw
the interests of his fellow officials more secure ? I do
* Wore the educated chiefs of New Zealand more dangerous, as
enemies, than the uneducated ? Yes. — And did the letters taught them
by the missionaries give them immense powers of combination against
the English and Colonial Governments ? Yes. — Then what would have
been the ultimate effects of Raffles' policy? Blood is thicker than water.
THE POLICY OF EDUCATING THE NATIVES. 143
not pretend to judge him in regard to this, and the
questions that will evolve out of this are so great that
they will task the abilities of the best statesmen that
India can engage. As an antidote to Sir Stamford's
generous impulses, nature has given a climate that
makes the Malays naturally lazy, so for them to be
otherwise would be unnatural. It is curious to observe
that regenerators always select a task that can never be
accomplished; thus their employment is continuous,
never ending. Abdulla in this respect is an active
disciple of Sir Stamford, having ideas far advanced
beyond his countrymen ; but it is to be remembered that
he had Aral) blood in him. Thus he was ambitious to
advance the prestige of his adopted countrymen, but in
this he, with a practical eye, sees there is no- hope. His
proverbs seem to indicate that, as a cat's leap does not
startle you in sleep, and a cock's crow is not reserved
till noon, so the torpor of the Malays will not be
disturbed from its settled immobility.
Baulked in his wishes to educate the Malay princes,
Sir Stamford now directs his attention to founding a
school, which afterwards rose to be the most prominent
establishment in Singapore, under the name of the
Institute. It will be seen to have been initiated on rigidly
secular principles, so as to avoid distrust on the part
of the natives, who considered Christians, Hindoos,
Mahomedans, Buddhists, Jews, and Fetishists, each
again divided into their various sects, all more or less
opposed to each other in various shades of doctrine.
Thus the great love of contention in national education
appears to have been amicably settled at the beginning,
whatever troubles occasionally arose afterwards. The
Institute, during my residence in Singapore, was used
by all nationalities and colours, but principally by
Christians, Buddhists, and Hindoos, to the number of two
144 HAXAYIT ABDULLA.
or three hundred ; and teachers of the various languages,
as designed by Sir Stamford, were employed.
The various branches of the Institute worked smoothly
and cordially as a rule, except when an occasional
governor, holding sectarian instead of cosmopolitan
views, would allow the good station chaplain to make a
raid on the heathen within the walls, which stirred up
bitter feuds between the teachers of the different religions.
But these raids were never very vigorous, so the duties
fell back to their usual quiet routine. Such episodes
were perforce intermittent, as the East India Company's
chaplains were understood by the rules of the service
not to undertake missionary labour. They indeed got
salaries ranging from £800 to £1200 a year, while the
highest pay given to missionaries never exceeded £300
a year. The propriety of this arrangement has often
puzzled me, unless it be that the hard worker gets
least pay, or that we are sometimes paid not to do our
duty.
The sum subscribed speaks volumes of the open-
handed liberality of the Singapore British merchants,
who bore the largest share, and who have continued
their support whenever called upon; yet at that time
they were "interlopers.."
The elevation of the natives seems to have been a
hobby with Sir Stamford Baffles — due, no doubt, to his
original radical politics, which were also the politics of
his masters, the merchant adventurers trading to the
East. In the embryo state of things in his time, his
doings were of little consequence ; but the subject will
have some day to be seriously looked in the face, when
possibly there will be every kind of opinion, and many
opposing measures suggested. Abdulla tells us that not
more than one in a thousand natives can read and write.
The question then that arises first is this: Shall a
ENGLISH POLICY IN INDIA. 145
European Government step in to educate the natives,
or shall it leave things as they are? The British
Government incline to the former course, the Dutch
Government to the latter. The results of these antago-
nistic policies no one can anticipate. But we know that
knowledge is power; therefore, by suffusing knowledge
over a whole people, that people will, undoubtedly, from
being weak, become powerful. With a people in the
latter condition, then, what influence can an outside power
have ? Here, then, we are led to consider the tendencies
of the conservative and democratic factions in the con-
quering nation. The conservative faction would rather
hold India, for England's sake. The democratic would
do the same; but its principles overbear interest, and
urge the cry of India for the Indians, as all men
are equal. So with it English interests would go to the
wall. Thus the two elements in the home country
work against each other, one overturning the other in
then- respective cycles; and neither attaining the ends
they seek. The conservative measures weaken England
herself by drawing off her life's blood to defend India,
as it is. On the contrary, the democratic measures have
a tendency to weaken India, because once they shall
have destroyed the English element in her, anarchy will
be universal ; for, however much they may educate her
in the interests of democracy, no education can be of
avail to a people morally weak. Thus, let England
abandon India, that country would become a prey to
new conquerors — a battle-field for northern contending
powers. The Dutch solution on the whole appears to
be the most sensible under the circumstances, however
much it may grate against liberalism. It is a fair con-
cession of interests between Europeans and natives.
Sir Stamford Raffles appears to have been imbued
with the utopian and impracticable ideas now so much
L
146 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
blazed before the British public, by a Bchool that had
little development in his time, though the English
press now teems with its lucubrations — he would have
brought the lower masses in direct contact with the
Government, thus ignoring the middle classes ; he would
have supported sinew against intellect, and thus have
brought to life what he did not anticipate, viz. an im-
mense and overpowering officialdom, to minister to the
wants of the hydra.
( 147 )
XV.
THE SLAVE TRADE.
" On a certain day during the Bugis season I noticed fifty
or sixty male and female slaves taken about the town
of Singapore, some of whom were youths; others had
infants in their arms, some also were sick. These were
driven by Bugis people like sheep ; so I went forward to
them and asked of what race they were, when I was told
(by their keeper), this one is from Bouton, this from
Mengri, that from Mandor ; but if you take a boat and
go to the prow that entered last night, you will find
that it has two to three hundred slaves on board. I
then, for the sake of curiosity only, asked their prices,
on which one was offered at forty dollars, another at
thirty ; I then went away. Then on the morrow I took
a boat and went to the prow, which I found "chock"
full of slaves, to the number as above stated, male
and female, amongst whom were young handsome girls ;
others were in the family way, near about their time.
This filled me with compassion towards them. I now
observed, as I stood looking over the scene as it presented
itself to me, hundreds of Chinese coming with the in-
tention of purchasing. I was especially grieved to see
the condition of the pregnant women, who turning to me
with weeping eyes, forced tears from my own ; for whose
wives and children may they have been '? And I was yet
148 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the more affected at seeing their dire condition. They
were about having their rice in a pot ; and their drink-
ing water was contained in the knot of a bamboo, such
as dogs are treated with.
I was then taken below to see the young girls ; some
were half grown, others at their prime and marriage-
able ; some were fair, others dark, of various complex-
ions ; some did not speak Malay, and these had frizzled
hair, and were very dark, their teeth only being white,
with large bellies, and thick lips. Moreover, I regarded
the owners of these as mere brutes, which, having no
shame, had no fear of God. The younger girls sat
close to them, and of which it would be improper for
me to write in my book. And in as far as the buyers,
they did as they wanted by exhibiting their bodies and
such like, and of which I am perfectly ashamed. And
the conduct of the slave-owners was exceedingly coarse
and without gentleness, for I observed when the child
of a slave cried, they kicked and struck it severely with
a stick, till its body swelled. And as to the young girls
— who were much run after by the buyers — they had a
little cloth given them (to hide their shame) ; but as for
those that were old or sick, they did not mind them.
Moreover, it was a great misfortune to see the child
and the mother sold to separate people. The children
cried with great grief when they saw their mothers
carried away from them : at such a moment they
appeared deprived of their senses. If I had the reckon-
ing of this I would bring condign punishment on men
that were seared to engage in such actions. Then
as to the male slaves, they had them tied by the waist,
in the manner of monkeys, each with a rope tied to the
bulwark, sitting in their own filth ; but as to below
decks, one could not stop from holding one's nose.
Now, at that time the most of the female slaves brought
THE SLAVE TRADE. 149
were from Bali and Celebes; these were all bought
by the Chinese to make wives of, and whose progeny
has been numerous down to this date. Malay prows
brought slaves also from Siak. These also were numer-
ous, principally being brought from the interior, i.e.
from Mentangkaban and Pakan Barn. All these poured
in from distant parts to Singapore, and were sold like
lambs, driven the whole length of the road, and whipped
forward by the rattan. Such was the state of the case
at that time— slaves were sold like beasts, whether it
were in Singapore or Malacca.
To proceed. When I had returned on shore, I next
day told the whole to Mr. Raffles ; on which he remarked
that such doings would not have long continuance, as
the English were about to give them up, as being very
wicked, and that numerous petitions against the slave
trade had been laid before the parliament. He further
remarked that it was not here alone where such atroci-
ties were committed, but that numerous English ships
were engaged in carrying negroes by the thousand as
merchandise to every country in Europe (sic) ; but he
added, ' If I live, I hope to see every slave a free man.' "
In the above short translation we see two curious facts
crop out. First, Abdulla belonging to the class that
contains notoriously the greatest slave traders, viz. the
descendants of the Arabs, yet he is brought to condemn
it. Raffles was a disciple of TYilberforce, and Abdulla was
a disciple of Raffles; through this means we see his
conversion. Second, we perceive in the same breath, that
this same traffic was the cause of the elevation of the
subjects of it, by their becoming the wives of the Chinese
and other residents of Singapore. The word " berbini "
150 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
is used— that is, to take to wife, by which no inferior
connection is indicated. Thus, looking at the matter on
purely economical grounds, independently of any senti-
ment, we see the laws of political economy asserting
their power — it is true, in a rude and coarse manner,
according to the usages and propensities of the natives
of the tropics, where modern European influences have
not been felt.
Singapore at that time was destitute of women,
whilst the native traders, merchants, and planters were
thriving. The prolific islands of Bali, Mas, and Bouton
were overcrowded with the article, — fathers and mothers
had not the means to feed their offspring, — and thus,
as nature tends to an equilibrium, the element flowed
into the empty cavities. These female slaves became
the mothers of what are now, in many cases, the leading
Asiatic settlers. The original dire condition was thus
not unmixed with ultimate benefits. Such is the un-
biassed and unsentimental view of the case.
To discuss the topics that arise would require very
large space, which cannot be here given. On turning
to Webster, he is found to define a slave as a person
wholly subject to the will of another; but a little re-
flection will show that this word wholly is inapplicable,
and, in fact, in regard to slaves, it will be found that their
connection with their masters is more or less under laws
and regulations of the State. If subjection to a man
be slavery, then woman, by the holiest of rites, viz.
marriage, becomes a slave ; but who will agree to this
definition? Thus, there are very great differences of
opinion in regard to slavery, some women calling their
subjection true happiness, others the reverse ; and so it
is with the slaves and slave-owners of Webster — some
support the institution, others are against it. But it
will be admitted that we are all in subjection to the
THE SLAVE TRADE.
151
State, and consequently, by Webster's definition, slaves
of it— as witness our Militia, Customs, Impressment, and
other Acts. Then, if this be admitted as true logic,
to enslave is the prerogative of the State, and enslaving
by the individual is an extension of that prerogative by
the State to that individual. Thus, slavery may be
lawful or not lawful, according to the will of the majority
of a commonwealth, or by the will of an autocrat alone.
The institution of slavery was almost universal during
the last century, and has only been abrogated in the
most powerful states within these last few years; it is
inherent in all unorganized tribes or nations, and is
closely aUied to polygamy and piracy. As these three
systems support each other, they are therefore very obnox-
ious to the subjects of well-settled northern governments,
and particularly so to the masses ; and where education
is general and the press free, the sentiment against them
is almost universal. The interests of labour, which
have a deteriorating influence in slavery, are probably
the basis on which the sentiment is founded. Thus,
until the press expanded and education became general
in England, we heard nothing against slavery. Our loss
of the slave states of America made it a matter of
indifference to some, and policy to others, to undermine
the institution, as it furnished raw produce and power
to our enemies. Americans, again, have been forced to
abolish it, out of respect for the democratic sentiments
of New England, and in the interests of her hired labour-
ing classes.
Dalton gives an interesting insight into one of the
modes of procuring slaves in the far east ; this was on
the Koti river, in Borneo. Of the Kayan tribe he says
as follows :* " The ravages of these people are dreadful.
In August, 1828, Selji returned to Marpao from an excur-
* See Moore's Notices of Archipelago.
152 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
sion. His party had been three months absent, during
which time, besides detached huts, he had destroyed
seventeen carnpongs, "with the whole of the men and
old women. The young women and children were
brought prisoners ; the former amounted to one hundred
and thirteen, and the latter to about two hundred. He
had with him about forty war-boats and large canoes,
none less than ninety-five feet in length. The one
set apart for Selji and his women was one hundred
and five feet long. I was" (says Dalton) "nearly
two months in this boat in various directions with
him, when Selji was in search of heads. The swift-
ness of these canoes is incredible ; when going down
the river with the stream, they have the appearance of
a bird skimming the water — the sensation is such that
I invariably fell asleep. The perseverance of the Dijaks
during the expedition is wonderful ; they generally got
information of distant carnpongs from the women taken
prisoners (no man ever escapes to tell the tale), who
soon became attached to the conquerors ! In proceeding
towards a distant campong, the canoes are never seen
on the river during the daytime. They invariably
commence their journey half-an-hour after dusk, when
they pull rapidly and silently up the river, close to the
bank. One boat keeps closely behind the other, and the
paddles are covered with the soft bark of a tree, so that
no noise whatever is made. In Selji 's last expedition it
was forty-one days before a campong was surprised,
although several canoes were cut off in the river, owing
to the superior sailing of his boat." On arriving at a
campong, " about twenty minutes before daybreak they
commence operations, by throwing on the thatch of the
huts lighted fireballs, made of the dry bark of trees and
resin, which immediately involves the whole in flames ;
the war-cry is then raised, and the work of murder
THE SLAVE TRADE. 153
commences. The male inhabitants are speared, or more
commonly cut down with the cutlass, as they descend
the ladder of their dwellings in attempting to escape
from the flames, which, Selji remarked to me, give just
sufficient light to distinguish a man from a woman.
The women and children endeavouring to gain the jungle
by the well-known paths find them already occupied by
the enemy, from whom there is no escaping. They of
course surrender themselves, and are collected together
at daylight." Again, " after the women and children are
collected, the old women are killed, and the heads of the
men are cut off ; the brains are then taken out, and the
heads are held over a fire for the purpose of smoking
and preserving them. In this excursion seven hundred
women and children were taken captive."
Such are the habits that fill the slave market. But
slavery is not to be put down so easily. It was still
indulged in by the natives during my residence in the
Straits (from 1838 to 1855) ; and if life convicts may be
called slaves, their services were appropriated by the
Governors and various favoured residents for their
private use, in the same manner as in Tasmania and
Sydney to a very late period. Thus that slavery was
abolished from British soil was not wholly true. As an
illustration of this I may mention that, about the year
1852, a country-born Arab having burnt the soles of a
slave with hot iron to prevent his escape — an act and its
consequences which ultimately led to his committing
murder and being hung — the inconsistency took place,
that a Governor who had several convict slaves in his
employment signed the death-warrant of a man who
only kept one !
And looking at England herself, if free from nominal
slavery, is she free from actual ? Not as regards the
sailors, according to Plimsoll's account; nor the niilli-
154 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
ners, from Hood's account ; nor the file-cutters and glass-
blowers, from Khol's account. If these are not subject
to one person, they are subject to circumstance, — which
sends them out to be drowned like cats ; to be confined
like canaries ; or to be worked like horses. Such hard
lines would make a tropical slave's hair stand on end.
Then look at the million of paupers and jail birds— one-
thirtieth part of the whole population enslaved by their
idleness or unbridled passions; is the control of the
State or the control of the neighbour the more potent
and beneficial ? The answer to this would be that the
control of the State is not slavery,— while the control of
the neighbour is. So, in the most enlightened nation
of the world, moral influence is negative, and idleness and
crime increase with huge strides, for want of individual
control. Again, we have the stream of unfortunates
stretching from Exeter Hall to the Haymarket — the poles
of the social world — every evening, like a comet's tail,
—a material that, if properly controlled (even though
it be called slavery), would populate the virgin areas
of Australia, and would surpass the whole indigenous
population of the Malay peninsula ! Such are the
cogitations of people not in England, not with the facts
under their noses so that they can see them ! To be
close to them is to be blind, and so we hear many
varying sentiments as to the subject. Every humane
man, however, must be against slavery; but the
tropical populations oppose them. Then when will
it be put an end to in the world ? To this I would
answer, when European sharebrokers cease to cheat
the widows, and the lawyers cease to cheat the orphans.
When all the social evils of Europe cease, — then will
those of the tropics cease also; In- the mean time
slavery, piracy, and polygamy afford a field, and a per-
manent one, for the overflowing energy of Europe to
THE SLAVE TRADE. 155
expend itself upon, as the breakers drive against the
shattering rocks, — the fragments of which still form
themselves into sand-banks, and yet offer more effectual
resistance, though broken in a thousand pieces. A
curious corroboration of my statement comes from
California. The papers there have at length discovered
an immense Chinese slave trade, especially in women,
who on arrival at that free city are knocked down to the
highest bidder. Thus the same undercurrent of slavery
that still obtains in British possessions amongst the
Asiatics extends to the freest of all the American states.
How behind we are! The enthusiastic and admirable
Sir Samuel Baker pierces Africa in vain; for, where
nature unsolicited satisfies all the wants of man, no one
will work — no one will produce unless he be a slave.*
The revenues paid per head by tropical population?
under European Governments give a remarkable illus-
tration of the last sentence. Thus, while the population
of England herself pay £2 8s. per head, and some of her
Australian colonies £5 to £7, the free population of
Hindostan only pay 4s. Good-natured • England, no
doubt, true to her principles, bears the burden with
equanimity ; but turning to our more managing Dutch
neighbour, we find that her Indian population pay 12s. t
a head, and how is this managed ? While England holds
by the Ryotwarrie system, or else by money rents from
middlemen, the Dutch have introduced a system of
corvee or forced labour — a form of slavery, whatever it be
named, and of which Temminck says, "This system of
compulsory labour may be easily abused into an instru-
ment of the most grinding oppression ; but, so long as it
is managed with discretion and good sense, we are dis-
* Written on Nov. 3, 1873, notwithstanding the news of success
against slave traders.
f From statistics of 1856.
156 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
posed to believe, from all that we can learn, that it is
preferable to every other system hitherto devised for
developing the resources of tropical countries." It is
notable that while Sir Stamford Raffles held sway in
Java, he overthrew this system, and endeavoured to
introduce the ryotwarrie, but the attempt ended in com-
plete failure, on account of the loss of revenue and the
burdens he placed on the government of Hindostan.
Thus even a Protestant government like Holland has
not been able to abolish practical slavery in her tropical
possessions.
And, in passing, it is curious to note how a principle
will hold true in small areas as well as in great. Penang,
having a large majority of Malays in its population,
only pays revenue to the extent of 3s. 3d. per head;
Malacca, with more Chinese, Klings, and Portuguese,
6s. Wd. ; and Singapore, with a majority of the indus-
trious element, 15s.*
There will always be various shades of opinion as to
how far slavery, forced labour, or entire freedom are
proper in tropical governments ; but as we are bound
only to look at facts, it is not difficult to form one. It
will be seen by Dalton's account (and he was always
considered most trustworthy) that the proclivities of the
indigenes were not calculated to call forth our encomiums,
nor does it appear possible that they could with benefit
to themselves pass into a state of complete uncontrol,
— the birth of our highest civilization. Thus, whatever
northern humanity may urge on looking at statistics, it
will be allowed that it is not the tropical populations of
an empire that are the workers, whether they be forced,
persuaded, or left to themselves. Thus one of those
paradoxes of nature comes to light, that, while the
tropical subjects of Great Britain only bear an annual
* From statistics of 1853.
THE SLAVE TRADE. 157
tax of 4s. per bead per annum, her home and colonial
subjects bear £2 8s. to £1 — that is, in the ratio of one to
eleven and thirty-five respectively. Hence the puzzle that
northern labourers, while slaving themselves for pleasure,
will not allow their black brethren to do anything, lest
it should have the name of that same slavery in which
they themselves rejoice ! Hence it has been England's
policy, since the days in which Abdulla writes, to leave
her Hindoo subjects at perfect liberty and without burdens,
by which they were able to concoct an immense scheme
of rebellion, store up ammunition and warlike material,
and then, as a commencement, thrust hundreds of ladies
and their innocent children down a deep well ! Their
natural propensities were thus vindicated. Hence many
people may be inclined to think that the Dutch have
shown much greater sense, by extracting from their
tropical subjects three times more than the English
have ; for by this means they have kept the natives well
employed, and, it is to be suggested also, at the same
time, happy, as they have been free from rebellion;
nor have they had the same facilities given them for
storing up powder and shot, to make an end of their
masters. How the Dutch have been so adroit as to
hoodwink their own democracy and labouring classes in
Holland is, of course, unknown to a foreigner like myself ;
for we may surmise that they will have the same
opinions as our own, and oppose a black man doing any
work whatever. Certain it is they have an excellent
arrangement in Java itself, whereby not a single news-
paper is published, save and except that very interesting
one called the Java C<>anu/f, which, curiously enough,
always supports the government for the time being,
and so makes the people contented.
It is true that one calling himself Edward Douwes
Dekker, — a member of that pampered class called the
158 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Civil Service, — true to the instincts of the privileged
Bengalee official, quarrels with the existing state of things,
and takes up the cudgels for the natives against his own
countrymen. Thus lie confesses that "two per cent, is
allowed to the European and native functionaries on all
products sold in Holland, which has caused the neglect of
rice culture, and juggled the natives into famine ; " that
there is " suppressed discontent, to be turned into fury,
despair, and frenzy; "that "the Europeans have cor-
rupted the natives " (this is strange, when we know that
all good comes from Europe) ; that " the oppressions of
the people should be put an end to ; " and, with many
other commendable measures, "his Excellency (the
Governor-General of Netherlands India) has sanctified
the system of abuse of power, of plunder and murder, by
which the poor Javanese suffer."
This Dutchman seems to have dressed himself in a
sarong (native shawl) and his wife in a kabayu (native
gown), which accounts for the tenor of his sympathies.
Yet a Dutchman's taxes are as four to one of the
Javanese ! But the former says he is a freeman, while
the latter calls himself a slave ! When will differences
of opinion end ? There are so many kinds of slavery and
bo many shades of thought in it, that the warfare of
sentiment will continue as long as there are temperate
and tropical regions. The symbol of slavery at home
is a Scotch Cameronian of strict principles, having a
whip in his hands lashing his "niggers." Out of this
symbol comes all the intense feeling against it ; and
properly so in this case, as a strict Cameronian, besides
being very avaricious, is so energetic that his blood
boils to see a "nigger," or any one else, working lazily.
His idea of God is also very inhumane ; for to that Being,
as Burns informs us, he ascribes the propensity of send-
ing " one to heaven and ten to hell a' for His glory."
THE SLAVE TRADE.
159
Thus savage notions are inculcated in his breast from
his youth upwards, for even his mamma tells him, in
going out to the world, to " mak siller if he can honestly
—bit at a' risks to mak siller." It is a righteous thing
that slavery, under such instruments, should be abolished.
But it is not to be concealed that the worst effects of the
institution are on the whites themselves, as it deteriorates
their moral status and instils decay and corruption into
their own hearthsides. Yet may we ask, does not the
home slavery that surrounds us and which we do not see,
because it is so close, also effect the same degradation ?
For instance, what end comes of working delicate female
servants and drudges from 4 a.m. to 12 p.m.— which I
have witnessed to my mortification— the keeping of little
boys starving on the quays on a winter's cold night, to
watch the ship's gig while the skipper is at his cups with
boon companions in a warm alehouse ? There are many
harshnesses in the home country that slaves would not
stand in the tropics. Then we have the slavery which
bad propensities entail on us, such as fornication, open,
disgraceful, and of enormous proportions, in all our
principal cities ; lying, stealing, barefaced mendicancy,
maligning, habitual pauperism, etc., etc. Not to look
abroad at social sores peculiar to the climate, here is an
extensive internal field for efforts of reformation. Between
nations and peoples differently circumstanced, socially,
politically, and by variation of climate and genius, there
will always be a difference of opinion on this subject,
and one retorts on the others by exposing their peculiar
weaknesses, the intermeddlings by either being respec-
tively called officiousness. But the stronger overcomes
the weaker ; that is, the sword rules, and might is right.
The healing of the sores of tropical nations appears to
be a luxury which England can specially afford in this
century— so be it ; let her do as much good as she can—
160 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
but an equal quantity of bad will counterbalance this
somewhere else. For instance, look at the increased
horrors of the slave ships. In the holy warfare against
slavery carried into the very heart of Africa by the
philanthropic Baker I see, by late accounts, that he
shot one-half of an army opposing him.* Happy Baker,
to commit such a paradox ! Sir James Brooke, with
the same benevolent views, on being opposed by people
believing in different principles, was equally happy by
the squashing of 2000 human beings in one fell swoop !
How perverse is nature, that it will not conform to the
measures of enthusiasts pursuing a righteous cause !
Taking an outside view of the case of slavery, as
handled by the Anglo-Saxon races of Europe and
America, we cannot but be struck with the fact that
throughout their measures have been selfish, though a
philanthropic aspect has been given them by Wilberforce
and others. First, in Britain no fault was found with
slavery till we lost the slave states of America ; and
again, America found no fault with slavery till it inter-
fered with the interests of Irish labour and the Piound-
heads versus Cavaliers, or, in other words, the paramount
importance of the New Englanders. Ignorant people, at
the same time, blame the white man for creating and
perpetuating the institution. Nothing is more absurd
than this. Not to quote Scripture in regard to the curse
of Ham, let us take the latest accounts of a great anti-
slavist — Sir Samuel Baker. He tells us that a negro will
sell ten wives for one cow — so who is to blame for creating
and perpetuating slavery but the. negro himself? — and
this will always be, and of it adjacent nations which
have little circulation within themselves, trade, or national
organization, will always avail themselves, it being in
accordance with their religious, and suitable to their
* See his letter to Sir R. Hurchison.
THE SLAVE TRADE.
1G1
social, systems. But slavery, in contact with the white
man, as I have already shown, has deleterious effects. It
has stealthy enmity towards the status and privileges of
white women ; it disorganizes the internal economy of
families— that is, it rearranges society on a new basis,
and one most repulsive to our English home notions.
To obtain an intelligent idea of the subject under the
present heading, we require to understand the habits of
the labouring population; and as an article on the
Bengal Ryot has opportunely appeared in Blackwood's
(February, 1873), written by one apparently well-in-
formed, I cannot do better than quote from the same.
The writer says, that the laws of Menu fix the State's
interest in the land at one-sixth the produce, but that
the Emperor Akbar fixed the same at one-third; the
assessment being struck upon an average of the produce.
By-and-by, the Government, immersed in war and
intrigues, placed the land revenue in the hands of
zemindars or " landsmen," as long as they paid the sum
required into the Moorshibad Treasury. On the whole,
the ryots preferred these zemindars, as they belonged to
their own race. All the evidence now available tends
to show that when Bengal fell into the hands of the
British, the majority of the zemindars were no mere
middlemen, but persons possessed of an actual stake in
the properties, and whose rights rested rather upon
prescription and sufferance than documentary evidence.
The permanent settlement of 1793, by which Lord Corn-
wallis evoked order out of chaos, conferred upon the
zemindars a legal title to their lands. It also guaranteed
fixity of tenure to the Khud Khasht ryots, whose occu-
pancy dated before 1781. But the fairest estates in
Bengal changed hands, lapsing from the old Hindoo
aristocracy to Calcutta capitalists.
The quarrels between landlord and ryots, in which
M
162 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
witnesses would be freely suborned by both parties,
were generally fostered by native land agents and the
underlings of the courts, for the sake of the fees, which
flowed in upon them from both sides — the results of
which were disastrous and interminable, one order being
passed against the landlord one day and rescinded the
next, and vice versa.
Then the ryot was constitutionally improvident, never
looking further than from hand to mouth, running into
debt with the native banniahs, and ultimately becoming
their bond slave — all the profits of his industry going to
fill his patrons' pockets ; he selling his crops at a fixed
price and taking the whole in advance, on which he
makes merry as long as the money lasts, and soon
assigning over the next crop at terms barely sufficient
to cover the cost of production. The ryot is thus, by his
own improvidence or short-sightedness, reduced to the
position of a steward to the money-lender. On arguing
with the ryot on these matters, he will tell you that we
are all in the hands of God, and straightway go off and
hypothecate his next aunwn crop. As yet the science
of political economy commands no respect among the
Indian masses.
The writer adds that the framers of Act 10, who so
loudly complained that the permanent settlement had
only made useless middlemen of the zemindars, must
have been very short-sighted not to see that the per-
manency of tenure would soon have the same effect
upon the ryot, subletting having since been carried out
on an extravagant scale in Bengal. Now the landlord,
on the one part, only enjoys a small part of the real
value of his property, while the actual cultivators, whose
holdings are very small, forbidding the introduction of
scientific agriculture, are rack-rented.
The estates owned by English landlords, who are
THE IITOTS IN EASTERN BENGAL.
1G3
more merciful creditors than the native usurers, how-
ever, show a different state of things. There are no
ryots in India, or tenants in Britain either, who are
more considerately treated or who have more encourage-
ment to better their condition than the tenants upon the
extensive zemindaries owned by the Messrs. Morrell in
Eastern Bengal.
Of the courts, again, the writer says that the most
strenuous exertions of the Government have never yet
succeeded in cleansing them from corruption. Every
court is infested by subordinates, barring access of
suitors to the magistrates. In this the Brahmins even
assist the landlord, from venal objects. Thus the ryot is
overcome in his search for justice, though more enlight-
enment is spreading amongst his class round Calcutta.
' Religion, properly so called, they have none ; and
while they importune this or that idol in the hour of
their necessity, they seldom trouble their heads about
the infinite and the future. Judged by these and other
considerations mentioned by the writer, he adds, we might
safely say that civilization has as yet failed to reach the
rural classes ; they eat the same food and wear the same
clothes as their ancestors did, before an Englishman set
his foot in India, and they ask for nothing better; and
we doubt if the ryot will admit that any marked im-
provement in other respects has overtaken his condition.
And yet the fault does not rest with tne Government.
We cannot civilize a continent by an Act of Parlia-
ment ; education may dispel gross ignorance, and, by
raising their intelligence, enhance their productive
powers, beyond anticipation.
Thus, by the writer's account, we see that the native
Hindoo is his own enemy, in immersing himself in
poverty and chronic difficulties. As such he must be
discontented, and naturally will not blame himself, but
164 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the Government. Hence he will always be the cat's
paw of the demagogues or the revolutionizer ; though
in his own frailty innocuous. The climate in which he
labours disinclines him to exertion; this is a continu-
ous influence acting on him. In temperate climates
the contrary is the case. Thus the tropical labourer
must feel himself in a state of coercion before he can
perform any useful act, such coercion taking the shape of
slavery — the corvee, or the bond debtor.
The above account applies correctly in principle to
what I have personally observed of the Malay popula-
tion in that part of Kiddah called Sabrang Prye, under
the British, where the cultivator paid cent, per cent, for
advances, payment being in kind, though the conditions
of tenure were different.
To apply the rules of civilization as interpreted in
North-western Europe seems to be the great effort of
the philanthropist. But how different must the genius
of the people be, and how altered the climate, before
such a consummation can here take place, such as would
be approved of by those politicians who rejoice, or
profess to rejoice, in the elevation of the people. When
this happy consummation takes place, then will we see
the Hindoo and Javanese ryots with their trades unions,
strikes, intimidations, and rattenings, which give people
at a distance so high and lovable ideas of the modern
developments of our elevated social system. In these
days we see that the press gives greater powers to
numbers — that is, greater power to sinew over intellect.
Supposing the same consummation could take place in
Bengal, then we would see with the elevation of the
natives the waning of the influence of England over
them. Thus arises a dilemma for which antagonistic
politicians will have their respective solutions.
( 105 )
XVI.
BAFFLES AND THE KINO OF 8IAM.
" Again, on a certain day came a letter written in Malay
from the Raja of Siam, addressed to Mr. Raffles, the
purport of which was that the Raja of Siam desired
friendship with the English Company (East India) ; but
he, at the same time, was frightfully pompous and self-
adulating. The letter appeared also to have only three
corners, the fourth being torn off. After I had read it,
Mr. Raffles inquired why the letter had only -three
corners. I told him that I had never seen the like before,
yet it seemed to be done purposely, as the paper had not
the appearance of having been torn originally in its
manufacture. Mr. Raffles replied, 'You are right in
your suggestion ; but what is the meaning of the corner
being torn?' To this I said I did not know. Then
Mr. ^Raffles told me that there was a hidden design of
much importance in it, which I had not yet learned, and
which he would show me, viz., it was from the inflated
self-assumption, combined with ignorance, of the Raja of
Siam ; for to his limited understanding his country was
the whole world, and that the corner torn off the letter
represented all countries beyond his. "When I heard
this I was astonished with perfect surprise at his penetra-
tion of such devices ; so I thought to myself, ' This truly
is a man of high intellect, for from him I have learnt
166 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
two wrinkles of high import : first, when I knew bim in
Malacca, be detected the forgery of Tuanku Penglima
Besar, in the letter said to be from tbe Susanan at
Benbaram ; and secondly, in ferreting out tbe secret of
tbe Raja of Siam.' All tbis I remembered, and have
written it in my autobiography, so that it may have tbe
approval of those who read it, and as an example of
how superior intellects attain their greatness, mighti-
ness, love of the people, and high name ; these not
being got from good looks, or from high race, but from
good ability and knowledge, — for in these times Mr. Baffles
was yet young, busy, engaged with duty and office work,
as others were. But it was owing to his wit, sagacity,
and foresight, — thus he, in bis intercourse with tbe
Governor-General of Bengal, proved that Java could be
conquered, which gained him the trust, so that the work
was given over to him. His sagacity and intelligence
were bis forte. This is tbe mark by which a man is
truly great.
After this he told me that he wished me to reply
to the letter of tbe Raja of Siam, saying to me, ' I
will give you the idea, which you can put on paper
in a proper style.' I replied, 'Very good.' So be said,
' Sit down here,' and with a smile he continued, that
be wished to humble him, as he had displayed his
mightiness. 'You will understand me by a parallel
story, thus : There was a child, and when it was born by
its mother it saw a cock; and when it saw the cock,
both its eyes became bbnd. After tbis, it was nursed by
its father till it had grown up sufficiently to listen to
general news, when it was told that the sovereignty of
England was very extensive. On hearing this, the blind
one asked if it was as big as a cock. To which the
people replied, Oh ! the subjects are immensely numer-
ous. On this the blind one asked, Are they as numerous
RAFFLES AND THE KINO OF 61AM. 1G7
as the feathers on the cock, these English subjects?
The people now told him that the English were very
clever in warfare. The blind one then asked them if
they were as clever as the cock in fighting. To which
the people replied, They have wonderful science. On
which the blind one asked, Have they the science of
the cock ? Then the people told him that if he ever
heard the sound of then cannon, that he would die from
friakt The blind one then asked if the somid was
the same as the cock-crow, and so on. Thus, to all the
savings and reports of people he always compared the
cock- for he only saw this, and so put it in comparison
to all other things. And so the existence of the Raja
of Siam is in such like, because he has not seen other
countries, nor governments, nor great warlike expedi-
tions touching on his shores. Thus to him his country
and the whole world are one and the same, just as the
blind one sees the cock and nothing else ; but if he could
see the size of England and other great nations, the
power of their governments, wealth, and warlike material,
only then would it come home to him that his country
was merely a spot in the round world.'
So when he had done telling the story he told me to
compose a letter in such terms, as the ship would sail
on the morrow evening, and to put in nothing else
besides, but good wishes as between the two parties, viz.
the English Company and himself. In addition he sent
presents of broadcloth and five rolls of satin, flowered
with gold. And when I had heard his order I was much
concerned, and my heart failed me like a vessel over-
loaded. Such was the state of my mind when I had to
set to the task ; and, furthermore, I had to write the
same in gold lettering. But by the help of God and the
prosperity of my tutor's teaching, I had the letter
finished by twelve at midnight, the margins and contents
168 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
being all of gold ; and to look at the letter, it actually
glittered— to my experience I have never seen such
another, it was so truly beautiful. So next morning I
took it up to the hill, as Mr. Baffles was walking up and
down the room ; and when he saw me coming, he opened
the Venetian blind, crying out to me, ' What ! have you
been playing yourself? Go back and write that letter,
as the vessel sails to-night.' On this I told him that it
was finished, and that I had brought it. Hereupon he
was surprised, and told me to bring it up quickly; and
he came forward to the stair-door to meet me, waiting
for me to ascend. And when I had got up he took hold
of the letter, saying, ' It is very beautiful, just like
watered gold,' and he added, ' Is this the letter for the
Raja of Siam ? ' to which I replied, ' Yes, sir.' He then
said, 'Try and read it.' Which I did; and when he
listened to its contents, he laughed and smiled till it was
finished. He then said, ' It is exactly as I wanted ; now
fold it according to custom, and enclose it in yellow
cloth ; ' and after it had been enclosed in yellow cloth,
he put his signature and gave it to the messengers."
It will be observed that the communication of the
Siamese Eaja was in the language and letters of the
Malays, accounted by him as an inferior and subdued
people, and I think Raffles was wrong in corresponding
in such a language. The correspondence should have
been either in English or Siamese. The idea of the
signification of the wanting corner appears to be fanciful,
but the same fact was related to me by my old friend
Kokchai, a Chinese of Penang, and holding the office of
Siamese Consul. The mode of reply cannot be con-
sidered otherwise than childish, and unbecoming an
RAJA MAJAPAHIT AND RAJA VICRAMA VIRA. 1G9
English Governor, but it is too circumstantially related
to be untrue. Thus another bureau secret is candidly
developed. The style of answer is, however, consonant
with oriental manners, and reminds me of an old incident
related in the Sijara Malaya to this effect. Eadin Inu
Marawangsa, Raja of Majapahit, hearing of the exten-
sive country of Singapore, sent an ambassador to Raja
Vicrama Vira with a shaving of wood seven fathoms
long, as fine as paper— its texture being nowhere cut or
torn, and the whole rolled up in the form of a ring. The
royal letter drew the attention of the King of Singapore
to this shaving formed with a hatchet, and he inquired
if his kingdom produced such clever artificers. Vicrama
Vira, on hearing the letter read, sent for Pewang Bentau,
who, in the presence of the Majapahit ambassador, hewed
the hair of the head of a boy forty days old. The
hatchet with which the feat was performed was sent to
Majapahit with the- ambassador, who quickly took his
leave and departed. The Raja of Majapahit interpreted
the message of the Singapore king as a threat that he
would shave his head if he dared to come to Singapore,
and so equipped a powerful fleet, which having arrived
was beaten back.* The letter of Sir Stamford, it may be
remarked, did not bring about this contingency. ^ How-
ever, Burmah at this time had encroached within two
hundred miles of Calcutta, and it was the policy to keep
friends with Siam. His policy gave existence to the
embassy of Colonel Burney, who concluded a treaty with
Siam in 1826.
Great events have taken place since these days, much
darkness of ignorance having been dispelled. In 1855,
the reigning prince of Siam was one of the mos^, in-
telligent of Asiatic monarchs, being both learned and
scientific. Abdulla's vanity was pardonable under the
* Braddell's Extracts.
170 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
circumstances, he having been made the instrument
of correspondence between his powerful silver-footed
majesty and the representative of the merchant princes
of England.
My late friend Mr. Hunter, of Bangkok, shortly after
this date opened trade with Siam, and was the means of
nourishing a large intercourse, and thus creating a better
understanding, though he himself latterly incurred the
displeasure of the Siamese authorities. He it was who
discovered the world-known Siamese twins, whom to
his astonishment he saw when swimming in the Menan,
in sight of their mother, and with whom he soon made
arrangements, in which the interests of the subjects
themselves were well guarded, for their exhibition in
Europe and America. He used to recount to me many
amusing traits and habits of the child twins as he
observed them when they were first taken charge of.
( 171 )
XVII.
RAFFLES AND THE GAMBLING FARM.
" Now, to my notion, who am a simple person, and have
little special knowledge, Mr. Raffles' strong measures
against gambling were good and excellent. Further-
more, they were unexceptionable on many accounts.
In the first place they were humane, tending to save
people from destruction; for gambling is destructive of
man, as it encourages cheating and evil propensities.
Further, gambling is the father of wickedness, and it
has three children by name— the oldest being Mr.
Falsehood, the second being Mr. Thief, and the young-
est being Mr. Murderer. And these three destroy this
world. Now, if it be thought that Mr. Raffles sought his
own gain, could he not have drawn from the gambling
farm thousands of dollars monthly, for which people
would have bought it? Then did he mean to lose all
this for no reason at all ? Now, if the Malays held the
government of Singapore, certainly they would have sold
the gambling farm— giving as a reason for doing so that
money was of use in this world, but of no use in the
world to come. But were we to tell them to teach their
children good lessons, then they would ask, What is the
use of the knowledge we have to learn in this world,
since it will be of no use in the world to come ? Then
look at Mr. Raffles. Was it not his object to guard all
172 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
mankind in this world, as well as in the world to come ?
For do not gamblers not only bring evil on mankind in
this world, but, more than that, they bring evil on them-
selves in the world to come ? "
These sentiments are worthy of John Bunyan, of
whose style they are a reminder, and are tersely put.
The arguments of the Malays remind one of the man
that drunk a jug of brandy daily. The jug had an angel
painted in the bottom ; so, when the man was asked why
he drank so much, he said that he wished to see the
angel. A jug was now substituted by his friends with
the devil in the same place, yet he emptied it all the
same ; and when remonstrated with by his friends, his
ready reply was that he did not like to leave the devil a
drop. In other words, there are always excuses for bad
courses, as Abdulla tells us.
It will be seen that Abdulla gives Raffles the credit
of giving up the gambling farm out of his personal
income. This is a common mistake with orientals in
estimating the English, owing to their system of farming
provinces to the Pashas, who make what they can out of
them.
( 173 )
XVIII.
DEPARTURE OF SIR S. RAFFLES.
" I felt that as long as Mr. Raffles was at Singapore he
would keep me in mind, as he knew all my circum-
stances, and the place where I made a living by my
profession. Moreover, he introduced me to the European
gentlemen, by making known, my capabilities, and that
my disposition was good towards the Government
officials as well as towards the merchants. He, in the
first place, directed me to teach Malay to the Europeans
as well as the native customs. It was settled that each
should have one hour, at the rate of ten dollars a month ;
for at that time there were six or seven to teach, some
coming to my house, myself going also to theirs. Again,
I was required to write letters for post to the Malay
Rajas by the English merchants, to make out receipts
and auction lists, for these times were not such as they
are at present ; for then it was the usage to post a note of
auction at each corner, in Malay, Chinese, Kling, and
English, stating the time of sale and the warehouses of
So-and-so, with such and such goods to be sold. Further,
in regard to Chinese merchants dealing with Malays, I
wrote out both letters and receipts for them. Again,
when Chinese traded with the English, from the latter
not understanding Malay, nor the Chinese English, I
was in such cases called in as interpreter, wherein I
174 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
made them understand to the best of my knowledge.
Where others made joint ventures it was the same, and
so forth. God was gracious to me at that time; but,
owing to my stupidity and thoughtlessness, I did not
save the rain-water, for I thought it would always pour.
I forgot that the world was a changing one, and that
drought might come, when it would be difficult to get
water.
Now as to my thoughtlessness (and I acknowledge my
stupidity), it was thus : I was eight or nine months in
Singapore. I then returned to Malacca, to remain two or
three months, my gains thus stopping, and that which
I had saved being expended. So I returned to Singapore,
and in such circumstances many of the merchants
desired to assist me in trade ; others agreed to give me
two or three thousand dollars, without interest, if I
would determine to remain in Singapore, and bring my
wife and children there. I thought this but right, and
made my best endeavours to do so ; but it could not be.
I had even got ready all the material for a house, with
fixtures, for shipment in two days' time, to go to Singa-
pore, when there came twenties of men and women
crying, giving counsel at the caprice of each, as if one
were going to die. This unnerved me, so that I abandoned
my intention, and my wife and children remained, I going
alone. And when I arrived at the Sillat (Singapore) I
found my house in disorder, as no one was in charge of
it, so I became depressed at having no one in it. Brood-
ing over this, my troubles increased, so I sold my house
to Mr. Hay. Now, if I had been fixed in Singapore, I
would have had another kind of life of it ; but it was by the
will of the Lord, who knows what is pure and righteous
— as the proverb says, a pint cannot be a gallon. There
are some that find fault with me, as being unlike one
that had sense under such circumstances; so they
A BAD CUSTOM.
175
behove to take an example by my story, so that they
may put an end to a bad custom which is adhered to,
according to the feelings of the Malacca people, by which
it is held to be low and not respectable to take a woman
of repute from one country to another, which people talk
of as a reproach and scandal. But this is a stupid
custom, arising from the senseless, the warrant for
which is not to be had out of any book or rules of faith ;
for it is set forth in many works, wherever the husband
be, so should the wife be also, to guard her from punish-
ment in the world to come — that is, from adultery, faint-
ness, and more especially as to food and clothing, and
such like. But from this bad custom one becomes
hardened. And, added to this, there were no others of
my profession nor of my acquirements ; and supposing
there were others in my line, one of them would not
follow me. And just like the Chinese females of Malacca,
such is their way — from the beginning not one would
leave Malacca; and now that so many of their sons
had occupation at Singapore, one began to take his
wife and children, when another followed his example.
Thus, at the present day, they flit from one place to the
other without it being remarked, or it even being
thought disreputable, for they now all do the same.
At that time I was like a person frightened out of his
sleep — when it rained hard, I took no notice to catch
some water — now I trust with full confidence in the Lord,
that directs the rain to fall, giving to each his share, and
not a whit more nor less than is right, and I offer up
a thousand of praises to Him, as I have received my
portion before and now. For, by my desires and covet-
ousness, I would wish for what is more than right. On
that account I was as one asleep during a heavy shower,
and only when it had stopped falling did I awake to
set about gaining that which is right.
176 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Then, on a certain day, Mr. Baffles said to me, ' Tuan
(sir), I intend to sail in three days hence, so collect all
my Malay books.' And when I heard this, my heart
palpitated and my spirit was gone. So I asked him
where he was going, when he told me he was going to
Em-ope ; and when I heard this, I could bear it no longer,
I felt as if I had lost father and mother — such was my
condition, that my eyes were bathed in tears. When
he perceived this, his face became flushed, and, wiping
his tears with his handkerchief, he told me not to be
disheartened, for if he lived he intended to return to
Singapore. ' The reason of my going is that I have a
misunderstanding with Colonel Farquhar. This I want
to put an end to ; and if put an end to, then I will
return.* So make yourself easy, and don't be afraid;
we will see each other again. And now I will give you
a note, which you can take care of ; and so long as there
are English in Singapore, show it to them and you will
get occupation, as you have had from me. And if you
wish to enter the police service as interpreter, you have
only to show it to the magistrate, and you will get the
office.' To this I replied, that I did not like to enter the
police service, because I would have to swear people.
But he said that for swearing-in people another could
be appointed on separate salary. I thereupon ex-
pressed my assent. So he said that if I did not remain
with the merchants I could go to the other work, and
that he would give me a note to Mr. Gobrus, who would
give me good pay ; ' but I think it will be very tiresome,
and you will not like it— you had better stick to your
writing, and teaching English gentlemen.' To this I
replied that I would do as he directed.
* There is an obscurity here. The word used is tX^wlw-J which is
like ,<«*^ j>, to settle, and J^-xL^ to differ. Again, the word
uJls- is not in Marsden, bo I translate it as .i«_U»- to the end.
DEPARTURE OF SIR S. RAFFLES. 177
He then called me into the room and told me that
there were three presses filled with Malay hooks, and
to wrap them up well in wax cloth, and pack them in
hair trunks, four in number. There were also Javanese
instruments and various other articles ; and when he had
shown me all these he went out, so with my own hands
I packed up all the books, histories and poems. Of these
there were three hundred bound books, not counting the
unbound ones, and scrolls and pamphlets. There were
three hair trunks full, six feet in length, of Malay books
only. Then there were two trunks filled with letters.
Javanese, Bali, and Bujis books, and various images,
paintings with their frames, musical instruments, in-
scriptions, and lontar leaves. Of these there were three
or four boxes. Besides this, the Javanese instruments,
with their equipments, were in one great box, and
there were many thousands of specimens of animals,
whose carcases had been taken out, but stuffed like life.
There were also two or three trunks full of birds in
thousands, and of various species, and all stuffed. There
were also several hundred bottles, of different sizes,
filled with snakes, scorpions, and worms of different
kinds. The bottles were filled with gin to prevent
corruption. The animals were thus like life. There
were also two boxes filled with coral of a thousand kinds ;
also shells, mussels, and bivalves of different species.
On all these articles stated above he placed a value
greater than gold ; and he was constantly coming in to see
that nothing was hurt or broken. And when they were
al ready tr 3y were shipped by a lighter ; and when they
were all .i'ely on board he called me into his office,
saying, ' -.uan (sir), take this letter and keep it with
care, — it is to the same effect as the one I gave you at
Malacca, — and when English gentlemen arrive here, show
it to them, and they will have regard for you. And
N
178 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
should you take office in a court of justice as interpreter,
show it to the Governor, so that you will get a higher
salary than Malays usually obtain. Don't be distressed.
If I live, I shall certainly return to Singapore ; but if I
die, may you prosper. Study English till you are well
acquainted with it. Here is another note, and after I
have sailed, take it to Mr. Gobrus (Wingrove ?)— he will
give you 200 dollars. Take that for your expenses ; and
if I return, I intend to have many books copied about
the countries around, and I will acknowledge how much
you have assisted me in the Malay language, and in
acquiring the books, etc., before alluded to. I will relate
this so that Europeans may know and trust you in your
occupation.' I was silent while I took the testimonial,
my eyes flowing with tears from great grief; the day
was as if my father and mother had died.
Such was my separation from Mr. Raffles. I was not
distressed about my livelihood, or because of his great-
ness, or because of my losing him ; but because of his
noble bearing, his justness, modesty, and respect to his
fellow-men. All these I remember to this day. There
are many great men besides him, clever, rich, and
handsome, but in good disposition, amiability, and
gracefulness, Mr. Raffles had not his equal. And
were I to die and live again, such a man I could never
meet again, my love of him is so great ; and of him I
have composed many pantuns, of which the following is
one : —
Burong belibis diatas lantei,
Boah rambei dedulampadi ;
Tuan Raffles orang pandei,
Tau sungoh mengambil hati.
Boah rambei dedalam padi,
Lezzat chita bulah rnsania ;
Pandei sungoh mengambil hati,
Serta diiisan budi bhasa nia.
DEPARTURE OF SIR S. RAFFLES. 179
Lezzat chita bulah rusania,
Jeruju dingan durian ;
Serta dingan budi bhasa nia,
Situju pula dingan istri nia.
Jernja dinpan durian,
De tepi jalan orang ber lari ;
Situju pula dingan istri nia,
Seperti bulan dingan mata hari.
Which may be rendered as follows : —
The teal is on a bamboo lath,
The rambei in a rice ground ;
And Raffles is a clever man,
He draws affection all around.
The rambei in a rice ground,
Love and pleasure's only place ;
He draws affection all around,
By qualities of wit and grace.
Love and pleasure's only place,
Jeruju and the durian ;
By qualities of wit and grace,
His lady also we must scan.
Jeruju and the durian,
Along the path the people run ;
His lady also we must scan,
As we behold the moon and sun.
Then, when I had taken the two notes, Mr. Raffles and
his lady embarked, followed by hundreds of people of all
races, myself amongst .the rest, as far as the ship ; and
when they had ascended the ship's side, and the crew
were raising the anchor, Mr. Raffles called me to him,
and I went into his cabin, where I observed that his face
was flushed as if he had been wiping his tears. He told
me to return and not be distressed : ' If it is to be, I
will see you again.' His lady now came and gave me
twenty-five dollars, saying, ' I give these to your children
in Malacca ; ' and when I heard this, my heart burned
the more by this act of grace. I thanked her very much,
clasping them by the hand in tears, and then descended
180 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
to my sampan ; and when I had been off some distance,
I turned round and saw Mr. Baffles looking out of the
window, when I again saluted him. He raised his hand
to me. This was just as the sails were being hoisted ;
and the vessel sailed.
Then, on the morrow, I took the note to Mr. Gobrus
(TVingrove ? ) , and showed it to him. On seeing it he
said, ' Sign it, and I will pay the money.' I then made
out a receipt to the effect that, on such a day and such
a month I had received 200 dollars, when they were
paid me, with much thankfulness on my part for Mr.
Karnes' remembrance. Now, from the day of Mr. Baffles'
sailing I have had no pleasure, but only grief.
Moreover, after Mr. Baffles' departure, Colonel Far-
quhar governed Singapore, and in all important matters
he followed Mr. Baffles' example, in coalition with the
Sultan and Tomungong. Singapore now was under
fixed laws and customs, as established by Mr. Baffles,
from which Colonel Farquhar did not diverge.
I again returned to Malacca for two or three months,
when, on returning to Singapore, I learnt from Colonel
Farquhar that the ship in which Mr. Baffles was a
passenger, having sailed from Bencoolin, had on the
same evening been burnt, with all his baggage and
collections, nothing being saved but Mr. Baffles and his
wife. And when I heard this news I was breathless,
remembering all the Malay books of ancient date
collected from various countries — all these lost with the
wonderful collection. As to his other property I did not
care, -for, if his life were spared, he could reinstate this.
But the books could not be recovered, for none of them
were printed, but in manuscript — they were so rare that
one country might have only two of them ; that is what
distressed me. I further remembered his intention of
composing a work on these countries, and his promise
DEPARTURE OF 8IR 6. RAFFLES. 181
to put my name in it. All this was gone. When I
thought of him I was the more grieved because it not
only was a great personal loss to him, hut to Europe,
inasmuch as he had material for several histories-one
on Celebes, one on Borneo, one on Singapore, besides
manv other subjects— but the material of all these was
now'gone. My thoughts then turned to the origin of
his taking them, but I consoled myself that he himself
was saved ; in this there was praise due to God, who
orders to be and not to be, and acknowledgments are
due to His power over His slaves."
In the foregoing translation, information is incidentally
given which has often been wanted by Europeans, viz. the
real cause why females in China and adjacent countries
will not emigrate. No doubt, moreover, female emi-
gration in Malay countries is opposed by the rajas, as
it reduces their already scanty populations.
Abdulla here mentions that Sir Stamford addressed
him as Tuan, which signifies lord or master, and is used
by an inferior while addressing a superior. This, if
correct, indicates greater condescension than is usual y
accorded by Europeans. By native courtesy Abdulla
should have been addressed as Inchi, or by name, that
is, Abdulla ; this would have been in consonance with
their respective positions.
Abdulla gives a literary photograph of the collection
of treasures made by Sir Stamford-a collection lost to
the world by the burning of the ship Fame. Baffles
sorrow and Abdulla's grief are alike creditable to both,
and in this we see how much personal influence attaches
the natives. It reminds one of some of the characters
described by Sir Walter Scott, an element which has
182 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
now faded out of British society. In the colonies we
have the converse, where servants often over-reach their
masters, and ultimately become possessors of their estates
and furniture. A mistress has been known to take a
nurse out to New Zealand, and, after some years, herself
go back to England in the capacity of nurse to her old
servant. This state of things is what is called popular.
The above translation, however, gives a very agreeable
picture of the intercourse between a Christian and a
Mahomedan, and so is well worthy of our attention, as
it proves how influential personal knowledge of each
other's good qualities is in subduing animosity and fierce
sectarian hatred. That such mutual affection and
respect should occasionally be generated is surely a
subject for congratulation. In my own limited ex-
perience I can claim to have known several most
estimable men amongst the different races, Malays,
Chinese, and Tamils, and the names of three occur to
me as the most conspicuous, amongst many others, viz.,
Yusof, of Sungei, Glugar, Penang ; Kadersah, of Nagore,
India ; and Ah Hoh, of Canton, China. These were men
who in their humble way had many noble qualities,
amongst which were good-nature and fidelity.
As a contrast to the philanthropic measures of Sir
Stamford Raffles, let us revert to the state of things
three or more centuries ago ; and turning to the auto-
biography of the Emperor Babar, * a Mahomedan
descendant of Changiz Khan and Timur — who was born
in 1482, and died in 1530, and who, after a victory, used
j)retty uniformly to erect a triumphal pyramid of skulls
— we find him saying, in one of his incursions into Hindo-
stan, that "immense numbers of the dead bodies of the
Pagans and apostates had fallen in their flight all the
way to Bayana, and even as far as Alwar and Mewat."
* Elliott's Translations.
BARBARITIES OF A FORMER ERA. 183
Again, at the citadel of Chanderi, he says, " The Pagans
who were stationed in the covered way took to flight,
and that part of the works was taken. They did not
defend the upper fort with so much obstinacy, and were
quickly put to flight ; the assailants climbed up, and
entered the upper fort by storm. In a short time the
Pagans, in a state of complete nudity, rushed * out to
attack us, put numbers of my people to flight, and leaped
over the ramparts. Some of our troops were attacked
furiously, and put to the sword. The reason of this
desperate sally from their works was that, in giving
up the place for lost, they had put to death the whole
of their wives and women, and having resolved to perish,
had stripped themselves naked, in which condition they
had rushed out to fight ; and, engaging with ungovern-
able desperation, drove our people along the ramparts.
Two or three hundred Pagans had entered Medini Rao's
house, where numbers of them slew each other in the
following manner : — one person took his stand with a
sword in his hand, while the others one by one crowded
in, and stretched out their necks eager to die. In this
way many went to hell ; and, by the favour of God, in
the space of two or three gham I gained the celebrated
fort without raising my standard or beating my kettle-
drum, and without using the whole strength of my arms.
On the top of the hill to the north-west of Chanderi, I
erected a tower of heads of the Pagans." . . •
Such is an account of Mahomedan transactions in
Hindostan. We will now go to a Christian one of about
the same date. Vasco de Gama, after having overcome
a Malabar fleet, we are told by Gasper Correa,t ordered
his people to cut off the hands, ears, and noses of all the
vanquished crews, and put all into one of the small
vessels, into which he ordered them to put the friar, also
* Amoked in Malay. t See worka of Hakluyt Society.
184 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
without ears, nose, or hands, which he ordered to be
strung round his neck, with a palm-leaf for the king,
on which he was told to have curry made to eat of what
this friar had brought him. When all the Indians had
been thus mutilated, he ordered their feet to be tied
together, as they had no hands with which to untie them ;
and in order that they should not untie them with their
teeth, he ordered them to strike upon their teeth with
staves, and they knocked them down their throats ; and
they were thus put on board, heaped up upon the top of
each other, mixed with the blood which streamed from
them; and he ordered mats and dried leaves to be
spread over them, and the sails to be set for the shore,
and the vessel set on fire ; and there were more than
800 Moors ; and the small vessel with the friar, with all
the hands and ears, was also sent on shore under sail
without being set on fire.
Again, Vicente Lodre having caught a Moorish captain,
" He ordered two negroes to strip him and tie him to the
boat's mast by the waist, feet, and neck, and to give
him, with two tarred ropes, so many stripes on the back
and stomach, which was very fat, that he remained like
dead, for he swooned from the blood which flowed from
him. Upon this he ordered him to be unbound, and he
remained stretched out half dead." Again, " He ordered
them to put dirt into his mouth, and fastened on the
top of it a piece of bacon, which he sent for from the
ship for that purpose; and, with his mouth gagged
with a short stick, and his hands tied behind him, he
ordered the others to take him away and go and embark.
The Moors offered ten thousand pardaos of gold, which
were in the bag, if they would not put the dirt in his
mouth. This the captain would not take."
From such sickening details we turn with pleasure to
the account of our autobiographer, a Mahomedan, and
THE OTHER SIDE OF THE PICTURE. 185
his recapitulation of acts of grace and kindness by a
Christian gentleman and lady towards himself. Where
ignorance, bigotry, and rapacity rule, we encounter the
former ; where knowledge, expansiveness, and generosity
triumph, we find the latter.
186 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XIX.
DEPARTURE OF COLONEL FARQUHAR.
"Not long after this, Colonel Farquhar also made up
bis mind to return to Europe ; and when the report got
abroad, the Singapore people were very much distressed,
because he had been a good Governor, clever and care-
ful of his people. The Malacca people especially felt
this, as he had been as a father to them. From the time
he had been in both countries, he had never hurt any
one's feelings, nor done but what was right ; to all races
he had been equally fatherly, helping them much and
counselling them. On this account all loved him with
fear, for his decisions were just. There was in his dis-
position a high excellence, that, in whatever measure or
regulation, he had no leaning to the rich or to the poor,
but all were the same to him. Now, it cannot be denied
that many high officials regard the wealthy rather than
the poor. So, when they give their decisions, they
come heavy on the poor, and light on the rich. It thus
follows that high officials hoarded wealth quickly, by
taking a deal of bribes. These deeds deserve the fires of
hell, and they set God far from them, and so also from
all good and reputable people, by their covetousness for
the goods of this flitting world.
So all the people of Singapore made ready presents,
requisites for a procession, prows, and musical instru-
DEPARTURE OF COLONEL FARQUHAR.
187
ments; and on the day before be intended to sail,
thousands of tbem came to see bim. Some wept out-
right, knowing his goodness ; but others feigned it, to make
people believe that they were friends of his. Others
brought various kinds of presents, Chinese in Chinese
fashion, Malays in Malay fashion, Klings in Kling
fashion. He took the names of all these, and returned
the value in money; to some he gave cloth, others
European articles as they desired. He was thus so
careful of the people's love. Thus it continued for two
days ; the people's eyes were wet, and whoever came to
see bim be gave them advice and best wishes, and
tendered his help in directing them, adding that he was
returning to his country, but if he lived he would come
back to Singapore. He said this with tears in his eyes,
as his earnest feelings were to remain. All these days
numbers of poor people gathered around him asking
charity, and he gave- a share to all. His sons and
daughters were also all in tears, sitting in grief. More-
over, there were provisions, sweetmeats, pickles, and
various kinds of meats, and hundreds of bags, jars, and
bottles, which were given to people in heaps.
Then, on the morrow, all races turned out with their
prows decorated with flags, and accompanied by music
and presents. The prows were in hundreds. After all
was ready, the harbour resounded with Chinese, Malay,
Kling, and Javanese bands of instruments. There was
firing of guns and crackers, as the people followed the
boat of Raja Farquhar ; and when it was perceived by
the officials and Europeans, that all races gave such
reverence and greatness to Colonel Farquhar, they
became divided, one party being glad, the other angry
with spite. Some thus said : ' What is the use of paying
respect to him ? He has no standing here— be has no
power over us.' This sentiment met with this reply:
188 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
'It is not because he is a great man or a little man,
rich or poor, but because of his amiability — on that
account only ; from this comes the excessive love of the
people for him.' This silenced the officials, for by this
time Mr. Crawfurd had assumed the government of
Singapore ; and when he (Mr. Crawfurd) saw this, he
was astonished and humiliated, because people took no
notice of him, nor did they respect him.
So when Colonel Farquhar had dressed and eaten in
his house, he embarked in a ketch, and thousands of
people followed him from his house to the seashore,
each and every one bidding him good-bye, and offering
their respects ; and in receiving each, he was detained
two hours before he could get into the vessel, his
tears flowing. He then took off his hat and bid
them good-bye — this four or five times to the crowd.
Hundreds of prows that were waiting now followed him
with loud acclamations. This astonished him so much
that he bent himself down. The people in the prows now
fired cannons, guns, and crackers, some sang, some fiddled,
each to their notion — the Chinese in the fashion of
Chinese, the Malays in the fashion of Malays, the Klings
in the fashion of Klings — making the whole sea resound.
This went on till he had arrived at the ship, which he
ascended. The prows now surrounded the ship, and the
crews now also boarded to say good-bye. He received
each with kind words which consoled them, counselling
them with much eloquence. The appearance of the
scene was as a father amongst his children, till all were
weeping ; he wept also. After awhile they took leave
and descended to their prows, which returned to the
shore ; and as they were departing, Colonel Farquhar
came to the side of the ship, and, taking off his hat, he
bade them farewell four or five times. They returned
the salute, crying out, ' Salamat ! (safety to you ! ) Sail
DEPARTURE OF COLONEL FARQUHAR.
189
with a good wind, that you may arrive at your country,
to see your parents and relations. SaUrmi ! Long life
to you, that you may come back again to be our
governor.' He now waved his hat three times, when
the sails were loosened and set, and the people in the
prows now returned to their houses. They were as
people in deep grief; and for days, wherever I went,
people were always talking of him and Mr. Raffles as
good men. Many spoke in loud praise of them and their
dispositions— in amiability, gracefulness, and pleasant
faces.
Now, all this I relate that people may take example by
it— I mean such people as have wit and sense to under-
stand my argument in this my story, as I now relate it,
of the affairs of good and intelligent men ; so that, if
possible, you, 0 reader, may imitate the same, in
regard to disposition, grace, and intelligence, as already
described. As the proverb says, 'Better to die with a
good name, than live with a bad one.' '!
The departure of Colonel Farquhar appears to have
created an ovation proceeding from real respect on the
part of the native population. In my experience 1 have
always found them susceptible of good feeling when
treated with kindness and consideration. After then
departure, Raffles and Farquhar were, with one or two
exceptions, succeeded by men of no mark— men who
were content to draw then- monthly salaries, and live on
the prestige of the great and good men that had pre-
ceded them. Some will be slightly remembered for the
quality and quantity of their champagne, but not for
public measures of any consequence. The high value set
upon the services of Raffles and Farquhar by the natives
190 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
was owing to their having studied their character, bias,
and language, and thus understanding their peculiar
genius and the motives that actuated them. With this
knowledge, and a generous forbearance, though otherwise
rigid in measures, they were in a position to forward
British interests beyond calculation. To appreciate the
value of Raffles' services in expanding British influence
all over the wide Archipelago, the benefits of which,
however, were much curtailed by the force of Euro-
pean politics, we may only turn to Singapore, for
many years the great and only mart in these regions.
We find that, from a small fishing village in 1819, it
expanded to be an emporium having commercial
connection with all parts of the world, its imports in
1853 amounting to over twenty-one millions of Spanish
dollars, and exports to over seventeen millions.
( 191 )
XX.
JOHN CRAWFURD, ESQ., F.R.S.
"Moreover, after Colonel Farquhar had sailed, Mr.
Crawford held the reins in Singapore. Thus, though
it was true that the country had a Government— the
appearance and feeling was as is described in the pcmtun,
Can ten scattered stars equal one moon ? '—Singapore
was like a widow whose husband had just died, her
hair dishevelled, her face gloomy, sitting in grief ; for
her glory had gone.
Now let all you people who have understanding, fore-
sight, and consideration, look at this subject fully, and
aU other affairs that I bring forward. Now if you are such
as I am, they will appear the same to you. Both good
men and bad men have then rice in their pots (meaning,
have their living). To fill the belly, that is enough. As
the saving goes,—' If ten ships arrive, the dogs still
conceal their nudities by their tails;' the meaning of
which is, those may go away who like, and those may
come to govern who like; but this is of no consequence
to the population. Under this feeling each lives un-
concernedly the life allotted to him, which circumstance
I liken to a tree that has no fruit; what use is it to
mankind, but to be felled and split up for fire-wood ? "
192 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Abdulla bad apparently not found favour with Mr.
Crawford. The cause of this may be guessed at in the
jealousies of authorship between Baffles and Crawfurd,
who worked on the same ground, and who criticised each
other in the English Reviews. Abdulla would be known
as a strong adherent of Raffles, and thus contact would
be shunned on either side. The gentleman commented
on was John Crawfurd, Esq., F.R.S., well known at the
Athenaeum, London, and the several scientific societies.
He died lately, at a ripe old age, having devoted his
time and labours to the completion of many useful and
laborious works ; such as the History of the Indian
Archipelago, a Malay Dictionary, a Gazetteer of the
Indian Islands, etc., etc., etc.
The proverbs adduced by way of illustration of his
feelings, are such as would occur to people living in a
trading mart under the rule of foreigners, such as the
British are in the natives' eyes. They see ships come and
go daily, yet their condition remains the same. Abdulla,
with more ambition than his countrymen, is annoyed at
this continuance in a state of nature, which is the gist of
his allusion to the slight covering given to dogs. The
apathy of his countrymen he is disgusted at, and ex-
claims that the tree (i.e. their lives) has (or have) no
good fruit, so it is (or they are) only fit for destruction,
or base objects. How would Herbert Spencer agree with
these sentiments ? Can all the population of the world
advance to perfection ?
( 193 )
XXL
WONDERS OF ENGLISH SURGERY.
" Moreover, I was in Mr. Thomsen's employment at
that time, but was at the same time teaching many of
the European merchants Malay; but owing to the great
heat of Singapore town, I was taken ill with a complaint
which gave me great pain, so I could not walk far. In
a week I was two or three times unwell, and two or three
times could not rise from my couch. And at that time
I was teaching a merchant who stopped at the house
of Mr. Morgan, and I was ill for three days, so that I
could not go out. But after this I was a little easy ; so
I went slowly to Mr. Morgan's house, and as I was
ascending the stairs, I saw a white gentleman {i.e.
European) reclining on a couch in the verandah, engaged
in reading a book. He was a stranger, so as I entered
I bowed to him. And when Mr. Morgan saw me, he
asked what made me so lean, as if I was sick. So I told
him of my complaint and its endurance ; further, that
many Malays, Chinese, and Klings, had doctored me
with no effect ; but that I only grew worse and worse.
I told him how much I was pained by the complaint.
And when he heard this, he went and spoke of it to the
gentleman that was reclining, who called me forward
and asked me if he could examine me. So he took me
into his room, and when he had examined me, he told
o
194 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
me that he could make me all right in a moment. My
heart jumped at this ; so I said, ' Very well, let me have
the medicine to cure me.' To this he answered, with a
smile, that he would not give me medicine, but that he
would tap me, by which operation I would be well at
once. To this I replied, that numbers had doctored
me, but they told me I could not get well again, as there
was slime in my body. He now felt me and asked,
' Who said there was slime, — fools ! In Bengal, out of
hundreds of people, and twenties of times, I have taken
two or three bottlefuls, which cured them at once.'
' But,' said I, ' how do you take out the liquid ? ' He
replied to this, that he pierced them a little, so as not
to hurt them, when the liquid came out. But when I
heard of his piercing them, I became afraid of dying.
He now told me not to be afraid of dying, for he would
place 1000 dollars in the court as an earnest of his
promise. And when I heard this, it occurred to me
that 100,000 dollars were not equal to my life. So I
left him and went to Mr. Morgan. This gentleman
asked me what the doctor said about it. I now under-
stood for the first time that the gentleman was a doctor ;
so I told him all about it. When he asked me where I
could have better luck, for he was the chief physician,
travelling for his health ; he was worth a thousand of
those to be got here ; adding, ' You had better trust him ;
he is very clever, he has worked miracles ; so you would
do well to listen to him.' And when I heard his advice,
I faltered, half believing, half fearing. So I went back
to the doctor, who asked me if he should perform the
operation at once ; but I told him to wait till ' I had
spoken to Mr. Thomsen, as I knew him well. To this
he replied, ' Very good ; but be quick, as in three days
I wish to sail.' To this I replied, 'Very good; but
let me go now.' He followed me to the stairs, when I
WONDERS OF ENGLISH SURGERY. 195
perceived that he was a little lame, which made me look;
and when he saw me scanning his feet, he smiled, ask-
ing me at the same time what I was looking at his feet
for. I replied, for nothing. He then took off his stock-
ing, when I saw that it was a timber foot, joined to his
leg, hut his knee was the same as ours. He then told
me that his leg had been broken by a cannon ball in a
battle in Bengal, and the part cut off had been replaced
by a wooden model. This astonished me greatly, when
I looked at the contrivances of Europeans. Life only
they cannot restore, but all the rest.
So I bade him good-bye, and went away to Mr. Thorn-
sen, letting him know all the circumstances. He then told
me, ' Where will you have such a chance again ? How
much would you not have to spend if you got others to
do it ? Further, he is eminent in all that relates to the
bodies of men. So go quickly to him, whilst he is here.'
I told him then that I was dreadfully afraid that some
mischief might be done me. To this he replied, ' Don't
be afraid. Don't you know he gets a salary from the
Company of thousands a month? So you had better
trust him.' I could not deny this ; and it is true I
heard his words, but yet I was afraid.
So I returned home in great trouble about this, and
brooded over the matter. And there was a countryman of
mine living with me, to whom I related my difficulties.
And when he had heard all, he advised me to have
nothing to do with the business, as it was the custom with
Europeans to kill one and cure another ; and further,
were my father, mother, and wife to get wind of it at
Malacca, how grieved would they not be. In other
modes he set to dissuade me, till I was half frantic at
my having let him into my council. People had been
attentive from their own good-will, and now he was
frightening me.
196 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
So I sat ruminating till midnight. Then there came a
thought that my time was come ; that I should die now
or on the morrow. So I took a paper and made my
will, and I appointed Mr. Thomsen as my trustee,
making him executor over all my estate, for and on
behalf of my wife and children at Malacca ; and I did
this entirely of my own free will. After this I sat
awhile till it was daylight, when I asked my country-
man to go along with me to Mr. Thomsen, to whom I
showed and read the paper. He then said, ' Don't you
think so much about this. The affair is a slight one.
I will go with you.' We then went to the doctor, and
found him walking up and down the verandah. And
when he saw me, he stepped quickly to the head of the
stair and waited for me. And directly we met, he asked
me if I wished the operation to be performed, and I told
him yes. He then went into his room, and opened a box,
when I saw twenties of knives of various kinds and of
great sharpness ; some were crooked, others like lancets,
others like saws. So he said to me, ' Sit there, and don't
be afraid ; it is only for a moment.' I then said to him,
' There is a countryman of mine outside ; allow him to
be with me, to see the affair.' To this he assented. On
his coming to me, and in the midst of our conversation,
the doctor had got a thin pointed knife, which he held in
his fingers. He then said, 'Let me see you;' and when
he had seen me, he told me again not to be afraid, as
my friend should see also. My body now trembled with
fear. He then pressed the knife in slowly, creating a
sensation as if I were bitten by ants. He then unscrewed
the handle, so that the blade remained inside. On this
the liquid gushed out, when the doctor placed a vessel
to hold the contents. The draining continued about a
quarter of an hour. He then told me to walk backwards
and forwards, when the liquid still ran. At last it
WONDERS OF ENGLISH SURGERY. 197
stopped. He then took some cotton, and mixing it with
medicine, I found that my complaint was gone ; I felt
as I used to be. The liquid taken from me was like
drinking water, without smell and colourless. My
pleasure was so great that I cannot describe it, I felt
as one dead risen to life again. The doctor now told me
to go and show the liquid to the Malays. He then told
us to put the liquid into a skin, to hang up, and to let
the skin be cleaned, so that he might see its power to
take in water. Then he added, ' Take it to Mr. Thorn-
sen.' He further inquired how I felt. I replied that
I had no other feeling but a slight sensation. To this
he said, ' No fear.' So I carried the liquid to Mr. Thorn-
sen, and showed it, much to his astonishment, he telling
me that he had never seen the like ; but adding, ' How do
you feel ? ' when I told him the illness had gone.
I then carried the liquid home, and called twenties
of Malays, Klings, and Chinese to show it to them and
let them know of the whole circumstances. This
astonished them greatly. I then filled two bottles full
with the liquid, and sent them to my wife and mother,
with an account of the whole affair. And when they
knew of the miracle at Malacca, numbers came to see
the bottles at my house in Malacca, saying, 'He has
copied the knowingness of the European ; but as for us,
rather would we die of the complaint, for we dare not do
such a thing.'
On the morrow I went again to see the doctor, and
when he saw me he laughed, saying, ' Is Abdulla not
dead ? ' And he saw that I was better. And it was seen
that near the spot where I was pierced there was a swell-
ing. And, on the day before, he had pierced below this,
and because of the little skin a sore had gathered. He
then said that he was about to sail on the morrow, but
that he would give me a note, as in three months the
198 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
complaint would return ; so this was to show to the local
surgeon, that he might know how to treat me. So I took
the note with a thousand thanks for his assistance. I felt
if I had heen a rich man that I would have given him
500 dollars for healing me. So on the morrow he was
to sail, I then brought 300 mangosteens and four bags
of halwa, and took them as a present to him. And
when he saw these he laughed, saying he could not take
them, but that he would buy them. It was not for
these that he doctored me. So he brought out the
money to pay me ; but I would not take it, till I wept
and begged hard of him. At last he said, ' Never mind,
I will take your present, for I see that you are one that
can return a kindness.' So I followed him to the ship,
and as I was going away I bade him good-bye, on which
he gave me a musical box, saying, ' Take this to play
with.' So I took it to prevent annoying him. I thanked
him for it, and he sailed that night.
The news got abroad in Singapore and Malacca that I
had been cured, when a country-bom Kling and a
country-born Chinese came to see me, asking me to
take them to the doctor ; but I told them that he had
sailed. They had faith in him, and one fell a-crying
because of his years of suffering from the complaint.
In a week more, two men came from Malacca, with the
same complaint, having heard that I had got better,
wishing to be treated by the doctor; but when they
heard he had sailed, they also began to cry.
After three months, as foreseen, my complaint re-
turned, when I told Mr. Thomsen of the note that had
been given me to show to the local surgeon. This he told
me to do ; and having taken it to the surgeon, he followed
the directions therein contained, extracting at this time
one and a half bottlefuls of liquid. He then took red
wine and squirted it in, which pained me so much that I
WONDERS OF ENGLISH SURGERY. 109
thought my life was going. He then drew it out, and
along with it thin slime, and then put in some medicine.
I was then well from that time till now. The doctor
also told me to wear an underhrace, because of the heat
of the country, which tends to the complaint."
This is a characteristic and well-told account of the
wonders of surgery and its beneficent influence in alle-
viating human misery. The small present, by way of
showing gratitude, consisted of that most delicious fruit,
the mangosteen, and most palatable sweetmeat, the
halwa, made of camels' milk, sugar, etc., an Arabic con-
fection. Such amenities of intercourse are most grateful
in their results. The misery of the poor creatures un-
relieved must have been most pitiable.
Abdulla, after the above, gives an account of the
Chinese secret society called the Tan Tae Hoey, which
would be of little interest to general readers ; so we
proceed to the next translation.
200 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXII.
TREATY OF SINGAPORE.
" I will now relate the affairs which passed between
Sultan Hussain Shah and Mr. Crawfurd. And first in
regard to the expenses allotted by Mr. Baffles, which
had been fixed at 1000 dollars a month to the above, and
700 dollars to the Tomungong. These allowances they
had received from the beginning till now, as encourage-
ment to allegiance. And as the month's end came, so did
the Sultan's followers come to get the money. But now
Mr. Crawfurd told them that the East India Company
had not enough of money, so they must wait for a month
or two, till it came from Bengal. So they retired and
reported to their Sultan. He wa.s silent. But at the
end of another month they went again to get the money,
but Mr. Crawfurd told the same story. They retired
again to tell the Sultan. The Sultan wondered at this,
for in his opinion it was not correct that the East
India Company was hard up, but that there was some
pretence only ; so he waited. But he also was in
difficulties, having mortgaged his property to meet ex-
penses, and even then he was straitened. This went
on for three months, till they could bear Mr. Crawfurd' s
refusal no longer. So the Sultan and Tomungong went
to see him ; and when they met he paid due respect to
them, shaking them by the hands and asking them to
be seated.
TREATY OF SINGAPORE. 201
I now must ask pardon of such gentlemen as read my
story, for it is necessary that they should know the
disposition and appearance of Sultan Hussain ; for new
comers have not seen him. For this reason I must
describe him. When he first arrived in Singapore from
Rhio, he was not stout, but thin ; but when he had
become Sultan at Singapore, his body enlarged with his
days, and his size became beyond all comparison— he was
as broad as he was long: a shapeless mass. His head was
small, and sunk into his shoulders from fat, just as if he
had no neck ; his face was square, his eyes squinted ; his
nose was moderate, his mouth wide, his breast propor-
tionate ; he was pot-bellied in folds, his thighs met, his
legs were thin, without contour ; his feet were wide, his
voice husky, with an awful sound ; and it was Ins custom
to fall asleep wherever he sat down. And when he was
speaking, strangers were startled at the clashing sounds.
His complexion was light yellow— but I need not dilate
on this, as many know it, and have seen his appearance ;
but as far as my experience has gone, I have never seen
so unwieldy a man— he could not even carry his own
body. And, to my apprehension, in such enormity there
can be no pleasure or ease to the body, but nothing but
trouble.
I will now return to show how things were settled
between the Sultan and Mr. Crawford. When they,
i.e. the Sultan and the Tomungong, had arrived, Mr.
Crawford received them with respect, seating them.
And after sitting awhile, the Sultan said that he was
very much straitened for his daily expenses, by Mr.
Crawford's not giving them their allowances for three
months. To this Mr. Crawford replied, ' 0 Sultan and
Tomungong, you ought to know well that I can do
nothing0 without orders from the authorities in Bengal;
and they desire that all the government of Singapore
202 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
should be under the East India Company, and not divided
from it. There is a great difficulty in you, the Sultan,
having half, and the Company the other half. This is
the desire of the above authorities. If you will agree to
it, they will give you an allowance of 1300 Spanish
dollars, and to the Tomungong 700 dollars monthly.
The Company will further give you now 30,000, and the
Tomungong 15,000 Spanish dollars ; and if you wish to
leave the place for another country, you will get as a
present 30,000 Spanish dollars. The agreement stands
and the allowances continue as long as you live, but for
that time only, for they are not to be continued to your
children.'
When the Sultan and Tomungong heard this, they
looked at each other for a moment without saying
anything ; thereafter the Sultan said, ' Very good, we
will think of it, and to-morrow give you an answer.'
To this Mr. Crawfurd assented, and followed the Sultan
to his carriage, who returned to Campong Glam, the
Tomungong going to Tullo Blanga. They thought to
have completed the business that night ; however, on the
morrow an order came from the Sultan to Mr. Crawfurd,
accepting the offer of yesterday. Mr. Crawfurd was
delighted at this, as he had now got what he wanted,
and would thus obtain the approval of his superiors for
this service. He then had an agreement drawn out in a
book with folds like paper, and told his servant to take
his respects to the Sultan, asking him to come to his
office on the morrow at ten, to settle the affair. This
was carried to the Sultan by the man. On the
morrow, therefore, at the time stated, the Sultan and
Tomungong arrived at the top of the hill on which the
Government house stands, and were received by Mr.
Crawfurd with due respect. He then took them into
the house and seated them. He asked the Sultan if he
TREATY OF SINGAPORE.
203
had fully made up his mind to accept the terms of the
Bengal authorities. The Sultan assented. The Tomun-
gong was then asked the same question, when he also
assented. Mr. Crawford then drew out two rolls of
parchment from his desk, handing one to the Sultan
and one to the Tomungong, when the Sultan asked to
have them translated into Malay, as follows :—
' Bahwa ini surat pada meniatikan ; maka adala kita
Sultan Hussain Shah, bin Sultan Mahomed Shah, Sultan
Johor dan Pahang eia-itu Sultan de negri Singapura
mengaku dedalam surat ini bahwa sisungoh-nia maka
adala dingan suka-suka hati kita tela meniarahkan negri
Singapura ini serta dingan parenta-nia sakali kapada
Kumpani Ingris ada-nia. Sahadan adala pula pejanjian
Kumpani kapada Sultan maka jekalau kera-nia Sultan
handa herpinda deri Singapura ini ka negri lain melein-
kan Kumpani bri hadia tiga pulo rihu ringit dan kapada
Tomungong lima bias rihu ringit. Dan lagi ada per-
janjian Kumpani Ingris memhri belanjer kapada kita
pada sa hulan siribu tiga ratus ringit hesar dan kapada
Tomungong tuju ratus ringit ada-nia. Bermula ada
pemheiaran Kumpani Ingris iang tersibut pada sa bulan-
bulan itu saleggi ada siat Sultan sahaja ; maka sepen-
ingal Sultan anak chucha Sultan tiadala buleh mendapat
wang iang tersibut itu ada-nia. Dan leggi Kumpani
membri hadia kapada Sultan tiga pulo rihu ringit.'
Which is rendered as follows : —
' This writing witnesseth that we, Sultan Hussain
Shah, son of Sultan Mahomed Shah, King of Johore and
Pahang, to wit, who is now in Singapore, acknowledge
by the writing aforesaid that we truly and of our own
pleasure make over the country of Singapore and its
government entirely to the English Company. More-
204 HAKAYIT ABDULIA.
over, the Company bind themselves to us, the Sultan,
that should we desire to leave Singapore for another
country, that the Company shall give us thirty thousand
Spanish dollars, and to the Tomungong fifteen thousand
Spanish dollars. Further, the Company bind them-
selves to us to give us a monthly allowance of thirteen
hundred Spanish dollars, and to the Tomungong seven
hundred Spanish dollars. Moreover, the payments of
the English Company, as above stated, shall be made
monthly, and shall be for the lifetime of us the Sultan
only, and after us our offspring will not receive the same.
The Company will further give to us, by way of present,
thirty thousand Spanish dollars.'
After this agreement had been read, Mr. Crawfurd
explained it in Malay, and the Sultan assented and sealed
it, the Tomungong doing likewise. When the treaty had
thus been signed, twelve guns were fired from the top of
the hill — a sign of pleasure. So the Sultan and Tomun-
gong returned, and as the Sultan was going, he said to
Mr. Crawfurd, ' When will we get the money ? ' To
which he replied, that he could send for it at once. So
they returned to their homes. Then on the morrow a
servant of the Sultan, named Inchi Abu Putin, came to
get the amount ; and after it had been counted up, and
the debts of the Sultan to Mr. Raffles taken into con-
sideration, there remained to be given to the Sultan
20,000 dollars. This settled, the whole of the balance
was made over to Inchi Abu. The money arrived at the
Sultan's, and then only did he begin to reflect, and see
that he had cause for repentance, in his having made over
the settlement of Singapore. Henceforth the monthly
allowance of the Sultan was 1300 Spanish dollars, and
of the Tomungong 700 Spanish dollars. This continued
the same till the death of Sultan Hussain Shah in
TREATY OF SINGAPORE.
20/
Malacca. Praise be to God that I have been able to
say so !
After this affair was settled Mr. Crawfurd ordered the
gong to be beaten round the town of Singapore and
Campong Glam, proclaiming to the inhabitants that the
laws and government of the place had been given over
to the English Company, and that the Sultan and
Tomungong no longer held sway, and that without the
concurrence of the police neither could move in any
matter. And when the Sultan heard the proclamation
by gong, he now understood the real effects, which were
as if a person's hands and feet had been tied— as the
Malays say, 'Bepent before, for afterwards repentance
comes too late.' "
In the treaty the word meniarahkan is used, the root
of which is srah, on the meaning of which I have com-
mented. It will be Observed that force is given to it
here by the addition of the word sakali — that is, wholly,
entirely, altogether, once and for all time to come. But
this would still not imply the right of the English to
give Singapore over to other nations, and I think this
is the light in which the treaty is looked upon by the
Malay chiefs themselves.
The detail of the transactions gives a good idea of
kindred dealings, such as Mundy's taking over Labium;
and while, on the whole, the end has been beneficial to all
parties, it does not entirely appear to be to the satisfac-
tion of our autobiographer, whose party would have
much greater power and advancement in a Mahomedan
kingdom. This is but natural, and we cannot blame
him for his political feelings. The regeneration of his
race seems to have been his leading passion. He had
the bias of a reformer, but not the energy.
206 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXIII.
FLIGHT OF THE HAREM.
"About a month after this, at day -break, there came
twenty-seven women, who were both young and beauti-
ful, to the police-office, to lay their complaints. One
opened the clothes on her back to show the marks of the
rattan cane ; others had marks of having been hung up ;
others of burnings with pitch ; others complained of
being punished by fasting and nakedness. Some further
said that they had been burnt with pitch in such a part.
Others complained that several of their friends had been
ordered to be killed, from jealousy, the prince wanting to
make concubines of them. These and such others were
the complaints of the young girls at the police-office.
Mr. Crawfurd ordered them to go where they liked, as
now no one could touch them or interfere with them.
So each went on their wray : some went with the police-
men, some to the Klings, others to the Chinese, and a
few of them to the houses of the Europeans, just wThere-
ever they could get food and clothing.
Then, at two in the afternoon, the Sultan made his
appearance at the police-office to see Mr. Crawfurd ; and
when he arrived, Mr. Crawfurd received him and took
him to a seat. The Sultan now asked why he had let
loose all his female slaves ; adding, ' For they have all run
away from my house. They were mine, for I had an
FLIGHT OF THE HAREM. 207
agreement with Mr. Raffles that the Company should
have no authority over them.' To this Mr. Crawfurd
replied, that he knew nothing of Mr. Raffles' engage-
ments with the Sultan, but that he had an order from
the chief authority in Bengal that on English ground
there should be no slaves, but free men only ; further,
should any one buy or sell such, he should be severely
punished. Likewise it was not right to punish mankind
by burning them with fire, or by beating them without
mercy. Again, he added, ' I have learnt that men have
been murdered in your court; but if I find the mur-
derers, I will have them killed also.' To this the
Sultan replied, that it was not fair to let his slaves
go. To this Mr. Crawfurd replied, that if he was dis-
satisfied, the Sultan could write to the authorities in
Bengal, or he could sail himself to Bengal to make
inquiries. It was not his pleasure, but the Company's.
When the Sultan heard this he was silent, and going to
his carriage, he returned without even saying good-bye.
About a month after this an order came from Bengal
to have all the streets put right, by having those
straightened which were crooked. So all were per-
fected till they came to Campong Glam, but to
straighten one of the streets here would take it into the
heart of the Sultan's court. So Mr. Crawfurd let the
Sultan know that the Company wished the street to be
carried so. But when the Sultan heard of it he was
dreadfully enraged, and would not let it be done. And
when Mr. Crawfurd saw this, he opened up the wall by
force. So the convicts set to to knock down the wall.
Thus the court was then made as we see it ; half on this
side of the street, half on the other. And when the
Sultan perceived that force was used, he restrained him-
self and said nothing, seeing that he no longer had
any power in Singapore. As the Malay proverb says,
208 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
' Man is afraid of a tiger because of its teeth ; so if it
be toothless, why should one be afraid of it ? ' So
Europeans now thought lightly of the Sultan.
At that time Mr. Crawfurd put the streets in order,
widening and levelling them ; and at the corner of each
he had a board put up with the name printed in
English. At this time convicts were first imported to
Singapore. These were employed to finish what had been
commenced by former Governors ; they also cleared the
hills of scrub. The roads, as we see them at present, were
all laid out by Mr. Crawfurd ; but since then they have
been widened. He also appropriated to himself a deal
of land near the Bazaar, on which are twenties of
shops, and which to this time are let for him by his
agent.
On looking at Mr. Crawfurd' s disposition, he was
impatient, and of a quick temper ; but in what he was
engaged he did slowly and not immediately. Further, it
could be perceived that he was a man of good parts,
clever and profound. Yet it was equally true that he
was much bent down by a love for the goods of this
world. His hand was not an open one, though he had
no small opinion of himself. Further, his impatience
prevented him from listening to long complaints, and he
did not care about investigating the circumstances of
the case. As sure as there was a plaint, he would cut it
short in the middle. On this account I have heard that
most people murmured and were dissatisfied, feeling
that they could not accept his decision with good-will,
but by force only."
FLIGHT OF THE HAREM. 209
Here is a case of Solomon having got into the hands
of the Philistines, the leader of the Philistines being
John Crawfurd, Esq., F.R.S. At the same time, it is
to be perceived that the flight and distribution of the
concubines was not calculated to improve the morals
of the settlement, European, Chinese, and Kling.
The East India Company being originally founded
by Radicals, principally composed of London shop-
keepers, we here see the effects in the desecration of the
monarchical precincts. The concubines were dispersed
amongst the people, and the wall also of the temple is
broken down. There was always a floating idea amongst
the natives that the Company's government would not
stand long. We have seen it out.
While knocking down the Sultan's walls, Crawfurd,
by way of compensation, seems to have built up a row
of shops for himself in the most valuable part of the
town, which brought in a large revenue. As a matter
of course, a native would surmise that in his position it
was beneath him to pay for the land. It is a mistake
to think that they are not very critical.
I have read over the character given by Abdulla in
the last paragraph to a gentleman who used to meet
Mr. Crawfurd at the Anthropologial Society, of which
he was president, and he imagines it to be very correct.
The manuscript then proceeds to give a long disqui-
sition on his English pupils, which I have left untrans-
lated. The difficulties in attaining a critical knowledge
of the languages seems to have discouraged all who
attempted to do so. This Abdulla laments.
210 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXIV.
CHRISTIAN CHAPEL VERSUS CHINESE JOSS HOUSE.
"I will now return to my own affairs.. I was en-
gaged for three years in teaching Malay to the young
English merchants and to new-comers, — but I have not
space to tell all their names, they were so numerous ;
yet I may mention a few of them, such as Messrs.
Boustead, Benjamin Butler, Sykes, Read, Paton, Terang-
tin (?), Ker, White, Magdano (?), Purvis, the two
Mestrings (?), Rogers, Martin, Carnie, Davison, Ham-
sen (?) ; indeed, these and hundreds of gentlemen that
I have taught, but whom I have forgot. Further, there
were of English women and their unmarried daughters
ten or twelve that I taught in Singapore. But in regard
to the gentlemen, they being merchants, all that they
required was to be able to speak enough for trading
purposes, or to read letters ; so they did not study
polite literature, nor the more difficult works, nor the
idiom of the language. So before they had washed or
bathed in the principles of the Malay languages, they
lost all as time flowed, till they could not tell how many
crooked alifs there were.
Such were my circumstances when a letter came to
me from Malacca, to wit, from the Rev. Messrs. Hum-
phries, Kyd, and Coolie (?), asking me to come to that
place, as there was not a moonshee there who could
CHRISTIAN CHAPEL VERSUS CHINESE JOSS HOUSE. 211
teach English and Malay, and as there were Malay
writings and books which they wished to study. So
I answered them that I could not go to them, as I
had a great deal of work in hand in Singapore at this
time, but if they would wait a little I would come. Two
or three months after this, another letter came from
these gentlemen, begging of me to come, asking if I had
lost my good feelings for them, as I had been taught in
the college. Now there was no work in the college, yet I
would not come. Afterwards, however, because of my
good remembrances of Mr. Milne, I left my business in
Singapore and came to them at Malacca. So the gentle-
men got out all the Malay books that were piled up in
their presses from the time of Mr. Milne, and all the books
collected in former times, which they told me to arrange.
There were others that had been translated into English
by Mr. Kite ('?). After this Mr. Humphries desired to
study Malay, so I taught him for about a twelvemonth ;
he could then read a little, but he gave it up to study
Chinese. Then Mr. Kite studied Malay a little;
whilst Mr. Coolie did not study it at all, but Chinese only.
I was then put at the head of the printing department,
to attend to all the business there, for none of them
understood this. On account of these engagements I
could not leave Malacca, notwithstanding I had
numbers of letters from the merchants of Singapore,
earnestly calling me away. I told Mr. Humphries of
this ; but he would not let me go, telling me that he could
not get such another trustworthy person for the college
duties, and that if I went the work must come to a stand.
So he offered to make up my Singapore earnings. So
I remained translating English into Malay, teaching
them Malay, and attending to the printing.
Now regarding the English chapel, i.e. the church
at Malacca, the founder of it was Mr. Humphries, and
212 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the spot where it is built was originally called Kubun
Katik. This was near to my own house, and it was
held in my father's time by a Malay called Inchi Tahir,
who sold it to Tambi Mahomed Syed, then to Mahomed
Syed, then to Sheik Ally, an Arab who was khatib in
the Kling Mosque. Then, when Sheik Ally desired to
sell the place, I informed Mr. Humphries, letting him
know at the same time that a Chinaman had set his
heart on it, with the view of adding it to his Joss house.
So Mr. Humphries bought it at once for 400 Spanish
dollars. The place faced the Chinese Joss house, and
for this reason all the Chinese wished to have it. The
width of it was about twenty fathoms, the length ex-
ceeding this.
About two days after the purchase, Mr. Humphries
prepared to erect the chapel; and when the Chinese
heard this, their captain, with a number of them, came
to him to ask for the land, offering to give him a great
advance on the purchase-money, even to double. But
Mr. Humphries would not agree. Then on the morrow
the Chinese came again, offering to change plots in
another quarter, adding money to this; but he would
not give in. They were much grieved at this, as the
ground was exactly opposite their place of worship. This
became a great cause of trouble to them, for it was their
custom to have music and firing of crackers in any
quantity, with paper-burning and great uproar. So that
if this became an English church, to a certainty the
noises would be interfered with.
Now, it is the custom of the Chinese to place their
places of worship (literally idol houses) in the best
places, having their frontages towards China, so that if
houses are placed in their front, they of necessity act
as a screen. The Chinese faith is, that by Mr. Hum-
phries' chapel being in front of their place of worship,
CHRISTIAN CHAPEL VERSUS CHINESE JOSS HOUSE. 213
theirs became destroyed. On this account, all those
Chinese that were natives of China became persuaded
that they could no longer prosper in Malacca. Yet all
the country -born Chinese have become rich; so this
proves the persuasion to be wrong, and I have heard
themselves say so.
So the place was cleared of the trees, and a house
erected of the same style as Mr. Milne's college. And when
they were about to set up the door, they called together all
the principal people of Malacca, who put money under
the sill. This done, Mr. Humphries named the house, the
Malacca Chapel. After this, all the principal people, as
well as the Governor, with the ladies (literally women),
came there to worship on the evenings of Mondays. This
became an established custom ; and on Sundays, at eight
in the morning, all the Chinese children that were being
taught at the college, together with the Chinese converts
(literally who had become English), assembled and re-
mained there till nine, and again from ten to twelve. Thru
at one they went to the large church which stands in
the fort. After this, from three to four, all the country-
born Dutch, male and female, went to the chapel ; also
on the Monday nights, at seven, all the English and
Dutch came to it. Also, when repairs were being made
to the large church, all went to the chapel instead.
Now, until this chapel had been built, no European's
carriage had ever entered this quarter of the town : now
there were twenties choking the street. This stopped the
way, which annoyed the Chinese, as they were offended
because (at the time of chapel prayers) they were not
allowed to make the usual noises in their Joss house
opposite, as policemen were stationed to prevent people
going that way, nor to speak loud, whether during the
day or the night.
After a while Mr. Humphries returned to Europe,
214 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
leaving Messrs. Kite and Coolie. The Malay work
and printing in the college now lessened, as they gave
their attention to the Chinese language only. Other-
wise they taught the Chinese children English and
Chinese. So I asked leave to return to the Straits, and
true enough they let me go, but not willingly, for they
wished me to remain for good in the College ; but I told
them that if they would write to me, should I be much
required, that I would return. So I set sail and returned
to Singapore ; and when I arrived, the merchants again
came to me to learn Malay. So I set to work. I now
learned that Mr. Crawfurd had returned to Europe, and
that Mr. Prince (?) held his place ; but he also soon left,
and was replaced by Mr. Murchison. Again there came
Mr. Presgrave, who had a limping gait ; after him came
Mr. Bonham, who became chief of the three settle-
ments. Mr. Wingrove then became head of the police ;
and after Mr. "Wingrove had sailed, he was succeeded
by Mr. Church. After him came Captain Ferrier. He
again was succeeded by Major Low, who now holds office
as police magistrate. The latter came from Pulo
Penang, the former taking his place as magistrate at
Sabrang Prye (Province Wellesley). After this, by the
grace of God, Singapore was highly prosperous, multi-
tudes coming and going without stoppage. The streets
and lanes had all been made and kept in repair; the
forests had been cleared by the Company's slaves
(meaning here convicts)."
Abdulla gives the names of several of the pioneer
merchants of Singapore, men highly esteemed for their
probity and enterprise, and one or two of whom have
since become well known in the extensive trade of
England and China.
CHRISTIAN CHAPEL VERSUS CHINESE JOSS HOUSE. 215
His allusion to the letter alif indicates, however, how
little Abdulla thought of their Malay acquirements, alif
being the only straight letter in the Malay alphabet.
That the new missionaries should be so entirely
dependent on him, shows at what a low ebb education
had been in the renowned city of Malacca. The in-
trusion of the missionaries as regards the Chinese temple
appears to me to have been not only injudicious, but,
from Abdulla's account, also to have been unnecessary.
They, no doubt, would call it chivalrous to thus beard
the Hon in this den, but there was no credit in this
apparent magnanimity, as they had the police and
authorities at their back to cow the Chinese, and beat
them down. The loud noise of the Chinese in their
worship was a matter of complaint, and it is curious
to note that the constant complaint of Christian ministers
against their own people, was that they were too silent.
It is a fact that all the time I was in India I never heard
a psalm sung. When there was a barrel-organ, it would
do duty ; and where not, the clerk and people sat silent.
I speak of a quarter of a century ago ; I am not aware
what is the case now.
I am reminded of the case of Missionary Sumner at
Macao. He met his fellow-Christians carrying the host ;
but, contrary to the custom of his fellow-Christians,
though belonging to the opposite sect, he would neither
turn into a cross street nor take off his hat, so he was
knocked down and carried off to jail, where he was kept
starving by way of penance. Captain, now Admiral,
Keppel then came to his rescue, shooting the jailor dead
in the mMe. Keppel did quite right, even though the
accident occurred; but a little Christian forbearance on
the part of Sumner would have been more laudable.
Thus, though my fellow Protestants in the far East
would not sing psalms, they were always a church
militant in the true sense of the term.
216 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXV.
STEAM VESSELS FIRST HEARD OF.
"About this time there came a merchant called Max-
well. He first stopped at the police-office, and I taught
him Malay, and he was for some time engaged so. It
was he who built the present court-house, which the
Company rented of him. After this Mr. Church bought
it. Europeans now began to build brick houses in the
plain towards Campong Glam, which had been under
brushwood, but now was cleared. The merchants at this
time had great profits, because tortoiseshell had risen
in value in Europe ; the price in Singapore was 1200
dollars a pikal and more. The traders were thus great
gainers. The country-born Chinese of Malacca had
also grown rich. In this year the English first began to
buy gambier and antimony (batu Sarawak) and dragon's
blood. All these were sent to Europe, and in exchange
there came different kinds of goods, such as flowered
satins, glass utensils, plates and cups of divers forms, of
new styles never before seen. In this year also we first
heard of steam vessels about to come out to Singapore.
We had heard a rumour about such things previously,
but to most of the people it was like the news given in
history — the news had the appearance of nothingness.
On this account I did not believe it, nor did any one else
receive it in his understanding. As the Malays say, to
STEAM VESSELS FIRST HEARD OF. 217
hear it is not to receive it. But now a picture of a
steamship came to Singapore, and there were also in
the place men of trust who had sailed in them, and
they told me. On this account I now believed true
enough, but it was the belief of mind only— I had not
seen them, nor could I conceive their actual appearance.
It is also true that I dilated to my neighbours on the
skill and ingenuity of the Europeans in all things, that I
had seen or heard from Englishmen of standing; but
when I came to the steamship, they fell in a rage at me,
and wrangled with me so as to knock me over. Others
accused me of always foisting up the English and telling
lies. Others found fault with me for speaking so much
about it. If I had ventured to speak to them of gas
burning without a wick or oil in thousands and thou-
sands of houses in England, and that waggons ran by
steam at a rate of twenties of miles to the hour, and that
there was a road under the earth nine hundred feet long
in London, over which a river flowed with twenties of
ships sailing thereon, and under which horse-carriages
and men went and came ; also that a person had made a
patongC?) so clever at playing, that a thousand people
could not withstand it ; again, that there is a species of
bird which can carry up people into the ah', beside many
other miracles which I have heard of ; but were I even to
mention them to the Malays, they would certainly shut
then- ears and turn away their faces, calling me a big bear.
But let this subject alone— there are those who will not
believe that there are lions in the world, and so they
wrangle at what I tell them. But when the lions are
brought from other countries, they will be forced to admit
that I am right and that they are wrong.
Again, I have had to bear a great deal of opposition
from these people regarding things that I have learnt
from scientific men, who have competent knowledge of
218 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
the geography of the world, which they say is truly
round, and which I have repeated to them ; and I have
especially been answered, that such a fact could not be
believed, for such a thing was never heard of before, nor
have our ancestors informed us of it. I showed them
numbers of signs and proofs that the world was round,
yet they would not believe me. Each and every one talked
about it as they liked, some saying it was four-cornered,
others seven. To this I replied, ' Have not the white men's
ships gone round the world numbers of times ? ' But
this also they would not believe ; adding, 'How could they
do this ; for is not the hill of Kaf in the way, and various
kinds of mountains and dark seas ? ' Then, again, about
the obscuring of the sun and the moon I had constant
arguments, for they spoke as they liked. Some said the
eclipse of the moon was owing to a snake eating it;
others, it was because of the great sins of mankind —
because of these God darkened the world to make us
reflect. Others, again, said that the moon was sick.
The origination of this idea was because the word ruh
(spirit) means, in the language of Hindostan, ' snake.'
Thus this foolish notion has attached itself to the
Malays, who say (at an eclipse) the moon is eaten up
by the ruh, which they translate into ular or snake.
Others say that the moon has fallen into a sea of mud,
and other such absurdities. Thus I have noticed in Malay
countries, during eclipses, some make great noises, beating
gongs and firing guns in order to let the snake hear, and
to frighten it from the moon. I have also seen men
and women screeching to the snake to let go the moon.
I have further observed in the interior of Malacca people
striking each other's nails ; and when I asked the meaning
of this, they told me it was a sound that would reach
the sky. This made me laugh beyond endurance at their
great absurdities. I tried to explain to them that the
STEAM VESSELS FIRST HEARD OF. 219
cause of an eclipse of the sun was in the moon being in
a direct line between the earth and the sun, thus the
sun became overshadowed ; so also an eclipse of the
moon was owing to the earth itself being between it
and the sun, thus the earth overshadowed it. The eclipse
might thus be part or full. But my explanations were
like a pot of fresh water poured into the sea, it also
became salt, and my instruction had no result.
Moreover, the Chinese have a notion that there is a
dog in the sky, which is chained ; but when it gets loose,
it sets off to eat the moon. Again, half of the Siamese
say that the sun is being married to the moon, but the
latter dislikes the junction, and so runs away, and the
sun after her, and as he snatches her it becomes dark.
The Hindoos say a snake swallows it. Each race thus
has its notion and peculiar absurdity."
Abdulla was no doubt well coached up in the wonders
of Europe, though he never was there. It is amusing to
read his account of them, as he had learned from hear-
say. After all, seeing is believing. Under the circum-
stances, it must have indeed been a very difficult puzzle
to select what to believe and what not to believe. To
teU a native that the English candles burnt without
wicks would indeed be a greater wonder to them than
the bird which carried people up into the air. In the
latter, I think he alludes to the flying machine— a scheme
of an enthusiastic aeronaut, which at that time had
woodcuts representing it in all the papers. This
machine had somewhat the form of a bird with spread
out win^s worked by steam ! But immense progress has
taken place since the days of Abdulla. Steam by sea
and rail, with the electric telegraph, while favouring
220 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
intercourse, has dispelled much ignorance. What he
means by the patong I cannot make out — there may be
some miscopying in the manuscript.
The sphericity of the world was always a favourite
topic with Abdulla — the more so as he had apprehended
the theory, a thing not concurred in by his countrymen.
His account of the native fears of, and then clamours
at, eclipses is correct, as I have myself witnessed. He
appears to have been well instructed in this subject by
the missionaries, whose principle had been to break
down native superstition by illustrating the true opera-
tions of nature. The spiritists of Europe and America
would now seem to require the same curriculum, or is
there a reaction against modern materialism? Ignorance,
however, will always be a match for science, there being
so many vested interests in it, whether religious or
philosophical.
( 221 )
XXVI.
THE DOCTRINE OF FREE WILL.
" There now came a letter from Mr. Coolie from
Malacca, telling me that Mr. Kite had sailed for Europe,
and that he himself had married in the place, and
Mr. Hughes was expected to come, so that I was wanted
immediately, as there was a great deal of work at the
college. I wrote, in reply, that I was very much
engaged at Singapore, but when Mr. Hughes had come
I would be with them. At Malacca in this year great
numbers of children of all races died. This was from
small-pox. Thousands died of this disease. It is true
that the Government ordered them to be inoculated,
which many availed themselves of, but because of its
not being properly done, the disease on many fell the
heavier — all dying. Numbers would not be inoculated,
as it had never been done by their ancestors, and they
asked, Did not the sickness make the sickness ? Of these
also numbers died. Others, again, did not believe in
inoculation, saying, that if the children had arrived at
their time they would die whether or not. Thus man-
kind are divided by their various opinions, one saying
this way, the other the other way. But to my notion
it is not right for mankind to forsake the doctrine of free
will, for God made free will incumbent on His people to
hold it. Also, each thing is made by God, as of one for
222 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
another. God made the sickness. But he also made an
antidote; so when one fell sick it became incumbent
on that one to use his free will — that is, to seek medicine,
or some other mode of obtaining a cure. Now, supposing
one had fallen sick, and he does nothing because he says
God had brought the sickness, so He can cure him ; does
not this person forsake his free will, and thus surely
destroy himself and mankind by his conduct and views ?
At that time every house in Malacca was wailing because
of its children or grandchildren.
After a while news came to Singapore that Mr. Coolie
was very sick at Malacca, and six days after this further
news arrived that he had sailed for Singapore for change
of air, but that he had died between Moar Hill and Batu
Pahat : again, that the vessel had been becalmed for
three or four days, so that they had to throw his body
overboard."
This translation enunciates doctrines that are at
least popularly supposed to be contrary to one of the
main features of Mahomedanism, viz. the belief in fate,
or predestination, but it will be seen that there are
differences of opinion on this point amongst Mahomedans,
as well as amongst other creeds. I can fancy Abdulla
having many a tough argument with Miss , the
Calvinistic missionary lady in the far East, on this
subject, when he brought out views on free will so much
opposed to hers, as well as to those of the majority of his
own creed. This lady remained several years instructing
Malay girls in the language, literature, and accomplish-
ments of the Scotch, till her ducklings took to the water,
got beyond her control, and misbehaved themselves.
They had been educated above their station, and so
despised their countrymen.
THE DOCTRINE OF FREE WILL.
223
The doctrine of fate, as opposed to free will, takes
various forms, according to the position and bias of the
person. If a Malay is to be hung, he will bear the
punishment with equanimity, because it was his fate. If
a Calvinist sees a man devoured, he will remark, that it
was to be, God had fore-ordained it ; if a man is shot, a
Lutheran will also say that " every bullet has its billet."
Lane* on this subject remarks, that "the belief in
fate and destiny exercises a most powerful influence
upon the actions and character of the Muslims." " Fate
respects the decrees of God in a general sense ; destiny,
the particular application of those decrees; " "but they
are divided as to whether these are absolute and un-
changeable, or admitting of alteration." He continues :
"Many doctors have argued that destiny only respects
the final state of a certain portion of men (believers and
unbelievers), and that in general man is endowed with
free will, which he should exercise according to the laws
of God and his own conscience and judgment, praying to
God for blessing on his endeavours, or imploring the
intercession of the Prophet, or of any of .the saints in
his favour, and propitiating them by offering alms or
sacrifices in their names." " Again, the doctrine of the
Koran, and the traditions respecting the decrees of
God, or fate and destiny, appears, however, to be that
they are altogether absolute and unchangeable, written
in the beginning of the Creation on the preserved Tablet
in heaven, that God predestined every event and action,
evil as well as good." Again, " But still it must be held
that He hath not predestined the will, though he some-
times inclines it to good, and the devil sometimes in-
clines it to evil." Again, " Evil actions or intentions only
increase our misery, if we are unbelievers or irreligious,
for the Muslim' holds that he is to be admitted into
* Modern Egyptians.
224 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
heaven only by the mercy of God on account of bis faith,
and to be rewarded in proportion to his good works."
Here then we have, amongst Mahomedans, the battle
between fa ith and good works also.
Lane continues : "A companion asked, ' 0 Prophet of
God, inform me respecting charms, and the medicines
which I swallow, and the shields which I make use of
for protection, whether they prevent any of the orders
of God.' Mahomed answered, ' These also are by the
order of God. There is medicine for every pain : thus
when the medicine reaches the pain, it is cured by the
order of God.' "
Thus the Mahomedans, enclosed within their religion,
have an intuitive perception of the true laws of nature,
a faculty given to all. Their constitution being apathetic
in the enervating climates in which they mostly live,
inclines them to resignation. Their poet therefore
says —
" Oh, thcra who fearest thy fate, be at ease : commit thy offences unto
Him who spreads ont the earth.
For what is predestined cannot be cancelled ; and thon art secure from
everything that is not predestined."
A comfortable solace at the eve of battle ; how many
a soldier takes this to himself, and then presses forward.
( 225 )
XXVII.
THE FRIENDLY LIEUTENANT.
" On this year there came a vessel from Europe to
Singapore, at which it remained for four months. Its
duty was to traverse the seas near Singapore and sound
the channels. The vessel touched at every island for a
day or two, marking in the charts all the rocks, banks,
and passages, then going every ten or fifteen days to
Singapore, taking in provisions and water, and then
going out again. One day I met the lieutenant of the
vessel, when I was so bold as to ask him as to the
business of his ship stopping so long here, going out and
in ; and when he heard what I said, he gloomed for a
moment, and then inquired if I was a merchant or an
Arab, when I told him how I made my living, as well
as about my country. He now smiled, and said it was
right that I should know the English, for for four
months he had been coming and going, and no one
asked him about his object. He now explained that the
vessel was in the public service, sent out to survey
straits, passages, seas, islands, and banks ; the depths
and sites of the shoals ; the shoals themselves and their
channels, so that vessels might go through them. He
added, ' We do this so that charts may be constructed
for the use of ships navigating these waters. The charts
are engraved in Europe, and the sheets sold.' I now
Q
226 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
began to understand the object of his duty, and I was
astonished to see the energy of the white man in examin-
ing the seas with their islands, and the sums of money
that the work would cost.
From that day the lieutenant was friendly with me,
and stopped as he was passing my house daily ; and if I
was not there, he searched me out elsewhere. I perceived
that he was of an amiable disposition, and withal clever,
not in any way like the usual class of sailors, rough,
wicked, and drunken ; but this one was intelligent and
learned in regard to astronomy, eclipses, trigonometrical
survey, and the heights of hills. The name of this
young gentleman was Mr. Smith. He walked alongside
of me making inquiries about the state of the country,
its origin, also of Malacca, their princes, as to how the
island became settled, and such like ; he added that he
would like well, if his captain would let him go, so that
he could remain with me, that he might study Malay,
and understand all the above things. Again, on the
morrow he brought me a present of a silver watch,
saying that it was a token of remembrance, as he was
about to sail for good to Europe. And when I heard this
I was much touched, because of his going to sail ; so I
at once opened my box, and taking out my damasked
kris which I wore, I gave it to him, saying, ' This is a
token from me to you ; here are also two Samarang
mats, worked with large flowers.' When he got these he
did not know what to make of himself, he was so
delighted ; he then grasped my hands and said, ' If you
are truly my friend, let me know their price.' I then
replied, that when I first bought the kris it cost me
ten dollars, but after this that I had it polished, and
put right. When he heard this, he opened his purse
and gave me twenty dollars ; but I gave the money back
again to him, telling him that I did not part with the kris
THE FRIENDLY LIEUTENANT. 227
for money, but for friendship's sake only — ' You gave me
the watch for me to wear, so I give you the krifl to wear
also.' So he took the money and was prevailed on for
a moment, and then exclaiming, ' Oh, for four months
here of your acquaintance, how much would I have not
gained ! ' He now appeared as one in deep grief, for he
did not know what to give me. So I said, ' My friend,
do not be grieved ; if we live we may meet again.' So
he was silent for a while, as he cared not to part. He
had come to me at eleven and had remained till two.
At length he took me by the hand, and said, 'Good-
bye,' which in our language means ' salamat tingal.' So
1 accompanied him to the vessel, and on the evening he
sailed. Of such characters the Malays have a proverb,
' If a ruby falls into a hole its splendour is not lost.'
So it is with a good man : his looks may not be good, but
his heart is."
In the above narrative it will be noted that the native
opinion of our sailors is not very complimentary, yet in
this young gentleman, apparently one of Captain Daniel
Boss's officers, he found a most amiable acquaintance.
This would be in the year 1827, as I see by Ross's
charts of the Straits, much of whose work I revised in
1845. Abdulla would now be thirty years of age.
228 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXVIII.
THE Q RE AT FIRE.
" I now return to my own affairs, while I was in Singa-
pore, after I had heard of the death of Mr. Coolie.
The letters that I received from Malacca increased, as
there was no one at the college ; so I felt that I must
go. But by God's will I was taken with remittent fever of
a virulent kind ; so much so that I could not even bear
the smell of rice, neither could I raise my head. I had
had all ready, and was only waiting for a vessel to carry
me. I was at that time living in a house in the
Merchants' Quarter, and it was about the Chinese New
Year, and on the 13th night of the month, when the
children were busily engaged in playing with paper
horses, — half of the Chinese amusing themselves, and
half making great noises with their musical instru-
ments. It was just about half-past seven, when a
number of people were seen to be running and crying
out, ' Fire ! fire ! ' Being sick, I was in a disturbed sleep, so
I lifted my head from the pillow, when I saw out of the
window that there was the glare of fire, with the sparks
falling thickly. This startled me, as one who had not
collected his senses ; so I ran to the window, and with
the clothes and coat fastened to my body, I bolted down
the stairs, leaving all my tools, boxes, clothes, writing-
desks, with other choice things which I had brought
THE GREAT FIRE. 229
from the Chinese junks, with eight baskets of sweet
oranges, Mr. Baffles' certificates, a great many books
and letters, also hard cash in my box, 150 dollars, — all
these I left. Again, I was at that time almost senseless,
nor could I recollect all the things ; for I was so panic-
struck by the fire, which rose up like a hill with dreadful
sound, booming like a hurricane. I rushed forward and
fell below, not feeling that my sickness still increased.
But shortly I was able to run again, for I saw the fire
would be soon upon 'me and my house. It was at this
moment that I first thought of my papers, boxes, clothes,
and such like ; so I ran back to ascend the house, but now
an adjacent house was blown up with gunpowder with the
noise of thunder. This threw up all the stones, posts,
bales of piece goods and roof, the house falling down in
all directions. So I ran, drawing long breaths in a
terrible state of mind, knowing what ill luck had beset
me.
Seeing the fire striding forward,
I felt as the life had gone out of me.
The houses and tbeir contents were consumed
As a chicken carried off by a vulture,
And all the houses are levelled.
By reason of the heat of the fire the eyes cannot be opened ;
The roarings of the element resound with a din ;
The joints of the limbs become feeble ;
Our clothes burn like paper,
Our oranges go off like crackers.
Assisters came quickly,
Removing the goods with rapidity.
The dollars melt like tin,
And run in liquid to the foundations ;
Their whereabouts are not to be found,
As the molten leads are mixed with them.
And when I perceived the position I was in, I was
appalled and nearly fainting in the middle of the street,
my body was so weakened from sickness, and more
especially from fright. I then felt the pocket of my
coat, where I found a biscuit and a pencil. I ate the
230 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
biscuit there and then, for I had had nothing for several
days, owing to the power of the fever. So I ran to the
middle of the crossing, where I perceived a package of
China paper, enclosing ink. So I took the paper, and,
canying it here and there, by God's help the fever and
sickness left me, owing to the fright I had got, and this
without using any medicine. Then all that I saw,
heard, or was made aware of, or what I felt in the
clamour of the fire, I wrote on the paper ; and I com-
posed a poem from the beginning of the Chinese New
Year festivals until they were put an end to by the fire,
and from thence till they began to rebuild. This poem is
well known to all Singaporeans and Malakites, and which
I named ' Singapore Burnings.' And at that time I saw
many coveted goods and merchandise in the middle of
the streets, which people had thrown out like rubbish.
Some people stole, others were stolen from ; some broke
into houses, and others had their premises broken into ;
some beat, and others were beaten ; some cried, others
laughed. If it were opium, it was in the gutters of the
street ; if it were spirits, it was trickling down to the
sea ; so that the men of the sea got drunk. All this I
have related in my poem.
Moreover, I had true pleasure in composing the
poem to the last leaf, and that too was finished by
the grace of God in His providence over His slaves.
And I now offer up thousands of thanks to Him for
guarding my life in the great disaster. I now engaged
my mind in composing the poem, with the view that the
subject might be known to future generations ; the
circumstances connected with which I have felt. How
many are the bitternesses and sweetnesses of the world ;
how many storms and waves on the sea of life are there
not in this world; how many wonders were seen in Singa-
pore while I was stopping there, in my desire to see the
THE GREAT FTRE. *°x
completion of the houses that had been burnt, that I
might have them in my poem.
Two months after this I returned to Malacca. This
was owing to my getting twenties of letters from my
wife; she having been put to the greatest anxiety by
people telling her that I was so sick when the fire took
place, that I could not get away from it-so hey
remained in deep grief. I had been only a month m
Malacca when the English came and took .it. over again
from the Dutch. This was in the year of the Messiah
1823. Bencoolen was given up instead of it. It was now
only that I saw all the races in Malacca truly joyful,
they having by this time fully tasted the bitters of he
Dutch government. When the Dutch took over the
country (in 1818) the people then were delighted but
now, having felt the crushing tread of the HoUanders,
they began to like the government of the Lnghsn.
The great fire of Singapore will be long remembered ;
but I think Abdulla has mistaken the date. Fires have
been numerous, and the only one that I saw ^nearly
equalling this was that of Campong Glam, in 1847, or
thereabouts, when the whole native town was destroyed.
Abdulla's poetry on the occasion has been found to be
untranslatable into English metre. On this occasion
he has not had a lady to inspire his muse. His sang-
froid in the confusion, and under his fever, is amusing
Bv his own account he was a true Times reporter. That
he should have been so long sick without his wife coming
to see him from a distance of only 120 miles is a curious
illustration of native habits. Caste prejudices, and their
power, must be enormous, more than Europeans can
estimate, for they were not unaffectionate, as will here-
after be shown.
232 HAKA.YIT ABDULLA.
XXIX.
ENGLISH JUSTICE.
"To proceed. I had remained some time in Malacca
and then returned to Singapore, and engaged in my
usual avocations. I then learned that Mr. Prince had
returned to Europe, and that Mr. Murchison had taken
his place.
At this time they commenced to repair all the bridges
in Singapore, — now using bricks instead of beams and
planks. And now also lawsuits and criminal proceedings
were removed to the court of the three settlements, i.e.,
Singapore, Malacca, and Penang. People also first
came to hear of grand and petty juries, consisting of
twenty-four and twelve members respectively ; the
former sitting on the right hand, and the other on the
left of the judge, hearing the plaints and evidence. These
latter were written down by the judge, and then at com-
pletion were read over in public to the jury. Then in
regard to greater cases, such as sentence of death or
transportation to Bombay, or other foreign places, these,
and such like, were taken up by the grand jury ; and
they alone considered and settled as to the propriety of
hanging or transporting. But if the petty jury should
be divided, it was incumbent on the judge to detain
them till they had all agreed — and not till then would
the judge decree punishment. Further, it was a regula-
ENGLISH JUSTICE.
233
tion that all the jurymen be of good credit, shrewd and
experienced in the ways of mankind. They also had to
swear, in the presence of the judge, to act faithfully ;
then only would the judge allow their proceeding. But
in regard to smaller affairs, such as debts and debtors,
disturbances, and so forth, the plaints were read to the
petty jury, and the same method of procedure was
followed, the judge asking them if they had agreed ; but if
disagreed, then he ordered them to find a verdict, and
not till then would he decree judgment on the defaulters.
The name of the judge was Tuan Malcolm (Sir
Benjamin Malcolm), and that of his vizier (registrar),
Tuan Kerr, Esquire (Mr. Kerr). And at that time I
first saw a man hung ; for before the judge came, where
crimes of a nature deserving death were committed, the
perpetrators were sent to other countries, where they
were put to death. But to my idea this was not right,
for this was not seen by the population amongst whom
the crime was committed, and thus evil doers were not
restrained by fear, for they doubted if they would be
hung for their deeds ; they would forget in time. When
people were hung, either at Malacca or Singapore,
thousands went to see them ; when some cried from
fright, others shook to their very bones at the sight;
many also took caution to themselves, not forgetting it
for their lifetime. This was an example of the wicked
getting their deserts. Now, I have perceived since people
have been hung several times in Malacca and Singapore,
amoks, murders, and piracies have lessened,— just in the
same manner as when you see heavy squalls, thunder
and lightning, that these being in truth dangerous and
frightful, but they clear the atmosphere, carrying off all
bad vapours, from which proceed sicknesses : thus come
good health and tranquillity to mankind."
234 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
The Mr. Murchison mentioned was brother of Sir
Roderick, well-known in scientific circles.
Abdulla's description of English law proceedings is
correct in principle, though not in detail ; he apparently
had not been able to arrive at the precise functions of
grand and petty juries, so he has assumed what the
names would naturally suggest. He seems, however, to
have thoroughly appreciated the beneficent institution in
contradistinction to the arbitrary and uncontrolled pro-
ceedings of native autocrats and petty tyrants, whose
despotism he alternately feared, hated, and despised,
and the condition of whose subjects he lamented.
His concluding remarks are excellent, and his philo-
sophy admirable. The population of the tropics are
akin to their climate, — generally calm, listless, and
dreamy, — but these amoks intermittently, like Sumatra
squalls, burst forth and bear down all before them. Yet,
like the 6quall, the frenzied amoker has but a short career,
for he is shot down like a mad dog, and, the ill vapours
of the social atmosphere having been purged, tranquillity
reigns again.
( 235 )
XXX.
ABDULLA'S ESTIMATE OF THE NEW MISSIONARIES.
"Now, I had been about nine months in Singapore,
when there came a letter from Mr. Hughes in Malacca,
calling me there, for he wanted to learn Malay. At first
I got his letter and replied that I was very much
engaged at this time, but, by the grace of God, that
in one or two months I might get away ; but in other
ten days there came another letter urgently asking my
return, for there was neither a Malay nor a country-
born person who could speak English, nor who could
explain himself. For this reason I returned to Malacca,
and took duty at the college. Mr. Hughes was a new
comer, and his custom was to consult me in everything,
whether it related to himself or to the college; for I
knew all the old people before his time, this is why he
left all to me.
Now I soon perceived that Mr. Hughes had not the
tone of a clergyman ; that is, in his walk, appearance,
and non-culture, he had none of the polish of Mr. Milne
or Dr. Morrison ; but he had an excellent disposition, —
he had good sense and a kind expression. When he
spoke he was always smiling. He was liberal and
enlightened; but he had a poor memory. He wore
spectacles, his education and qualifications were not
equal to the missionaries that had gone before him;
neither was he diligent in work, but good at being
236 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
respectful ; so, though it is true he learnt Malay, both
in writing and speaking, yet he never acquired the tone,
so that his meaning could not even be guessed. Also it
is true that he could read letters, as well as history, but
just as Malays do. If you asked him the meaning, he
did not know. This was because of his very poor memory
— what he learnt to-day he forgot on the morrow.
I was thus close with him in his studies for eighteen
months. I also learnt English from him daily, as I
thought to be able to translate for myself. For if I
had been competent to do this, it would have been of
great service to me, for there are many things for
which the Malays knew no word. On this account many
Malays study Arabic grammar, and when they find it
difficult, they give it up ; for it is extremely complex, so
much so, that of 1000 Malay students, only one or two
master it, and that with difficulty, for the Arabic
language is a very comprehensive one, — not that the
glossary in itself is difficult, but the ramifications of its
etymology. So, to my idea, if there were a grammar of
the Malay language, would it not be well to teach it to
the children in the Malay schools.
Now. as to what I would wish about a Malay grammar,
it is not such as has exemplification in the Dutch trans-
lation of St. Matthew into Malay, which is hundreds of
years old, and which Mr. Kabonin (?) copied. In this
translation the English, Latin, and other idioms are
used in Malay in a most perplexing manner, which is
most obnoxious to the genius of the language ; it is just
like one digging thorns, which is most treacherous and
vicious, and so forth. I perceived in the old Dutch
translation of the Gospel, that in each place they put
the times that had gone, because they appeared to think
that they were the same ; but they did not know how
many kinds of words are not understood. I also perceived
abdulla's estimate of the new missionaries. 237
in their translation of the Gospel of St. John made by
English gentlemen, who call themselves competent in
the Malay language, the following words: Ka-shurka-an,
Kaboangan, and Kamo ; but these gentlemen only dress
up the Malay language with the English idiom in an
ignorant manner. These words I would not dare to use
in Malay composition, as they would be laughed at and
made a fool of by our people. Further, these are a
sign by which people test your competency, for the words
have no status or position in our language. Now, if
they think they can use Ka-shurka-an, why not also
Ka-naraka-an, or Ka-bumi-an, or Ka-langit-an, or
Ka-ajar-atan?
Then as to the Malay grammar that I intended to
compose. I intended to have its construction out of the
language itself, having the words in proper order and
by acknowledged rule ; the idiom, also, not indiscrimi-
nately arranged by everybody's supposed skill,— one
saying this is right, the other saying the contrary, and
yet both wrong, each and every one being their own
judges of themselves and their qualifications, like a
country without a government, each and every one
calling themselves the king. My difficulty was to get the
reading and writing in settled order, as I had no rule to
guide me by way of authority. The luckless and ignorant
that will not learn their own language, see other people
doing so and so, and they just follow them without
knowing the reason— the right or the wrong, or the
circumstances of its being wrong. One pressing over the
other, as if they thought it easy, through a special gift
of the Almighty, to rise as judges upon the subject, and
thus to teach ignorant slaves of God. Moreover, they
madly essay to fix and arrange the Malay language, and
to write it with propriety, for an example to future
generations. Great may be their recompense !
238 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Now, you, 0 reader ! must not find fault with my
advice or idea, for the Malay grammar would be of
great use ; nor must you think that with it alone you
could perfect yourself in composition. True enough the
rules could be applied, and many words would follow
the rules ; but in a hundred words seventy might only
come under the rules, and thus thirty be beyond them.
Now, as regards these latter, were we to force compliance
to set rules, we would, for instance, have to write dagang-
a-an — that is, in the suffix, like ka-ada-an and ka-tida-an.
Now, the Europeans ask if you can say ka-ada-an :
why not also say kaya-an, ka-buka-an, ka-perkera-an,
ka-jalan-an, and so forth ? For are not there rules
to this effect, so why should they not apply to the other
words also? To this I answer, put suffixes to your
own language and try them in all cases (as, if mission
is correct, then why should not kiss be written kission ?)
So, as this is the case, you must understand that the
use of grammar is only to lighten the labour of study
in most languages; and in order to grasp the subject,
it is necessary to search out the exceptions, and from
the grammar find how to use them. Even after this,
foreigners could not compose rhymes in Malay. On
this account it is very stupid of the Europeans to
question their native teachers (munshis), telling them
that this is right and the other wrong, because the
grammar says so ; for know, 0 reader ! that each race
is the judge of its own language, and don't think, from
what I have said, that the Malay language is a very easy
one.
I relate all this because day and night the subject has
been one of earnest consideration, and if my life be
spared, I shall use all means under God's providence to
lay the foundations of the work ; but if I be unable to
prosecute the same, it is because I see the condition of
abdulla's estimate of the new missionaries. 239
my countrymen, that none care for, or interest them-
selves in, the subject : they are like people in a sound
sleep, oblivious as to their state. Then, if it be the will
of God to give me life, and I have the opportunity, by
the kindness of some one helping me, a slave of the
Almighty, to initiate the undertaking, it is my great
hope that the Malay language may no longer remain in
a state of muddle and doubtfulness.
I now return to Mr. Hughes' studies. In two years'
time he could understand a little ; but the understanding,
I felt, was of little service for any of the objects he had in
view, it was merely nominal — enough if any one asked
him if he knew how to speak and to read, when of course
he could answer that he could. Truly at this era people
look for the credit only of being called clever. While
this was going on the Keverend Mr. Ebbison (?) came to
Malacca, with his wife and a little son named Edwin ;
and when he arrived, Mr. Hughes brought him to me,
and let him know of my position and circumstances,
and how I had originally got my education in the
college. A few days after this Mr. Ebbison called me
to him, asking me to teach him Malay, as he wished to
take charge of the college, and required to be clever at
Malay, as he desired to teach people, and translate
works from the English. To this I replied, that I would
be delighted if he took charge of the college, so that
it might be well attended, as it was in the time of
Mr. Milne and other men now gone ; but as regards
cleverness or stupidity, that would not come of me but
of himself. If he wished to be clever, he must set to
work with vigour, for the most of people went so far as
to read a little and to speak a little to their grooms,
their waiters, and their cooks ; this satisfied them,
because they thought they had become clever. When
he heard this he laughed outright, and admitted the
240 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
truth of what I said, telling me at the same time that in
England there were many such like. He then told me
to come on the morrow to teach him. So I said, ' Very
well.' So on the morrow I began with him, and continued
with him for a month, and when Mr. Hughes stopped
learning Malay, I entered closely with Mr. Ebbison. I
continued with him for six months after this, when he
could do a little, but in a meaningless manner. I now
perceived that he had a heavy intellect, no application,
and was heartless ; he then asked me to teach his son
Edwin, for he being young could pick up the language
faster. I assented to this ; so I taught him, and in a few
days he was able to read a little. He was very much
clearer in the head than his father. But their study was
like the study of the merchants, they only wished to
understand, not to gain thorough competence in the
ideology of the Malay language ; so when he could read
a little of history he stopped. For to their idea they
were clever enough in Malay, not reflecting that in one
hundred parts they had not acquired the half, the objects
being hidden to them, as they had not tried to translate
or to put other languages into Malay, or to compose any
scientific essay in it. Of course there were thousands of
expressions that they had not even heard of, so how could
they know them ?
Now, I have seen many persons who study Malay,
after they had been able to read a little, translate
into their own language whatever they have mastered,
and they think it easy because they thus see it in theirs,
and in their own idiom, so they think that they can
translate other languages into it ; but my advice is that,
when a person studies Malay so that he can read writ-
ing, he should translate his own language into Malay,
giving the exact sense ; further, the Malay words which
he uses should be in the proper idiom, and this without
abdulla's estimate of the new missionaries. 241
the assistance of his native teacher. This would be well,
and something like study. Such study would ultimately
be of the highest importance, for others would acquiesce.
This would be good seed; for, wherever it was planted,
there it would grow with flowers of good odour, and with
fruit of fine flavour. Now, 0 reader ! if you wish to gain
such knowledge without trouble, think not that God
will bring about this in the Malay language."
This translation appears to be one of the best that has
been written. It shows how keen a perception the
natives have of the status of Europeans, and how little
they respect ordinary minds or capacities.
Abdulla passes without notice the grammar by
Marsden ; this is ominous of its real merits, and having
lost my copy of it, I unfortunately cannot refer to it. I can
well fancy the quantity of self-sufficiency and ignorant
tinkering that he would have to bear with. Here, in this
translation, we have the whole secret circumstantially let
out. I believe that Abdulla is correct in saying that while,
out of a hundred words in the Malay language, seventy
would conform to rule, thirty would not, but be fixed
by established custom as exceptions ; the prefixes and
suffixes being also used as in our own language — by
habit or public concurrence. It is the same with spell-
ing, there are no cast-iron rules, but custom in centuries
has decided each in its particular instance, so it would
be absurd in foreigners to attempt to give them a new
"dressing." How puzzled must foreigners be with our
time-honoured words — through, thru ; though, not thu,
but tho ; cough, not co, but kof; enough, not enof, but
muff ; cow, kail; low, not lau, but lo, etc., etc. Yet to
be ignorant of these exceptions is to incur the sure
R
242 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
branding of the writer for presumption and folly. So
we see what Abdulla drives at. I do not wonder at
his almost frantic remarks. He did his best, and conse-
quently must have our approbation ; and also we must
emphatically concur in his sentiment, that each race
must be a judge of its own language. I understand he
died without completing his much talked of grammar.
In this translation we also see more caustic sarcasm
applied to his employers.* These went forth with high
aspirations, temporal and spiritual, yet in the end are
content to be able to speak a little to their grooms,
waiters, and cooks, ministers of their indulgence and ease !
It is needless to conceal the fact that no one can critically
understand Asiatic or any other languages without living
with and mixing amongst the people, and I never saw
an educated European that would do this, missionary or
any one else.
* I mean no reflections on any individual, for I am well aware that no
person past his teens can ever learn Malay correctly ; at the age of
thirty the work must be most laborious, and to be encountered only by
the most enthusiastic.
( 243 )
XXXI.
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD.
"After I had done with teaching Mr. Ebbison, I
intended to sail to Singapore, as from thence there
came calls and presents from my friends in quick
succession, from Europeans and country -born Chinese,
as there were numbers of new merchants coming there
who wished to learn Malay ; also, there was a deal
of business to be done in writing letters to Malay rajas,
and such like. Thus I intended to sail in two days ; but
one morning there came a Bengalee bringing an English
letter to me, which was to this effect : 'Captain Newbold's
compliments to Inchi Abdulla, who would be glad of a
call at eleven o'clock to-day.' I replied by the messenger,
with my respects, and that I would be there. So I
went. He was at that time stopping in the house
opposite that of Mr. Berchi Westerhout, and next to the
college. When he saw me coming he came forward and
received me with great civility, bidding me good day,
and taking me into his office. He then asked me if I
was well. To this I replied that I was quite well, thank
you. He then said that he had heard much of my skill
in the Malayan language from Europeans and natives,
its composition as well as in giving the sense in English,
also in Hindostanee and Tamil. To this I replied, that
it was not I who was clever, but it might be some one
244 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
else ; that I was far from clever, I was yet young and
unlearned ; but as the Malays say, ' If there are no rattans,
roots then become of service.' I was the root. Further,
do not the Malays say, ' Where is the place that there
are no vultures, but the grasshoppers are their own
trumpeters, and call themselves vultures.' Hesitating
a little, he then asked if my name was not Abdulla, and
the name of my father Abdulkader, and was I not in the
service of Sir Stamford Raffles ? I replied in the affirma-
tive. So he laughed, and explained that he had called
me as he had a deal of work in hand ; that he had called
four or five men, but none of them could undertake what
he had in view. And when he had made further inquiries,
he said that I was the one pointed out as the only com-
petent person. To which I replied by telling him not to
make fun of me, for I knew it was a common habit of
people to over-estimate themselves, but they certainly
became low enough afterwards. He said, ' That is quite
true. I also know of rich people who will not let it be
seen, but on the contrary call themselves poor. So it
is with the truly learned, who will not admit it, but say
they are unlearned.'
So we sat awhile conversing, which gave me an oppor-
tunity to observe him, when it was quite apparent that
he was a person with something in him, having all the
marks of a man of ability. He now took out all the
books that he had been collecting, such as Malay
histories and poems, with numbers of letters, all ancient ;
and while showing me them he said to me, ' You will
please try and explain them to me as to their true
interpretation in English.' To this I replied that I did
not understand the deep English, but only superficial.
I then asked him if he had a dictionary ; on which he
immediately went to his desk and brought out two
books, one a dictionary and the other a grammar, and
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD. 245
laughingly he told me that he had shown them to the
other munshis who came to see him, hut they only told
him that they were the books of Europeans, and of no
use to the Malays. ' Now, may I ask you if they are of
any use?' To this I replied, 'Of immense use to me,
for I have not yet mastered the English language fully.'
He said, ' True, that is as I anticipated ; yet you have
been accustomed to use them.' I then said, ' Try me
in a day or two.' He said, 'Very well.'
I then commenced to explain the whole, hut I need
not give the actual words, as they were chosen here and
there — but what I gave he wrote down, and while he
wrote he smiled; and what he could not understand I
explained viva voce, showing the same in the dictionary,
and what was not in the dictionary I explained in
Hindostanee, and thus he saw that what I told him was
as he intended. After he had written all these down,
he then said, ' Very good, 0 Inchi. Come here for two
hours daily.' To this I replied, that I was desirous of
sailing to Singapore, as much of my work was remaining
there for me to do. But he said, ' You cannot sail, as
I have a deal of work ; and do not be afraid, as I will
recompense your loss.' I then told him to allow me to
finish my work there, and in two or three months I
would return. He then asked me if I truly wished to
sail. To this I said that I would think for a night, and
then give him an answer. To this he assented. So I
bade him good-bye and returned home.
After I had left Captain Newbold, I went to Mr. Hughes
and Mr. Ebbison, to tell them that I intended to sail ; so
in the evening Mr. Hughes came in his carriage to my
house, and after sitting awhile, he asked me what was
the use of my going to Singapore ; ' Is it not well that
Captain Newbold asks you to remain here ? for he says
he likes you. Further, he has a great deal of work, at
246 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
least for three years ; so he had come himself, begging
of us to dissuade you from sailing.' He added, that
there was also some work for me at the college, which
others could not do. Thus he begged of me to remain ;
and adding, ' As for money, he would give it me.' So I
assented to remain.
So I went to Captain Newbold's daily, to assist in his
various writings ; for, as is better known to the gentlemen
who read this story, he intended to publish a work
in English on these countries, regarding the customs,
genealogies, origin, weapons, histories, poems, pantuns
of the Malays, and such like, even to the kris. I first
wrote them all down in Malay, and then explained the
same in English to him.
He was a gentleman of graceful manners to all, and of
excellent sense, thus drawing the affection of all men.
I was like his brother. One day he induced me to go to
the Chinese temple, to see and inquire into the nature of
their images, the history of them, and their customs;
all of which I wrote down. ■ He then inquired into the
circumstances of the Triad Society (Tan Tae Hoey), their
customs and origin ; all these I let him know. He then
inquired if any one in the country understood about
eclipses of the sun and moon, and the reckoning of their
times. To this I replied yes. So he asked me to call a
person to him, as he would like to make personal
inquiries. So with much difficulty I got one to come, by
name Mama Jamal Mahomed, bin Noor Mahomed, all of
whose statements I explained in English. Such was the
work between me and him, without separation ; and
wherever he went he took me with him. And I observed
that he was always engaged in studying the intricacies of
science or the affairs of the country. It is true he was
in the East India Company's service ; yet his attention
was engaged independently on the above.
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD. 247
After this, on a certain day, he said to me, ' Come, let
us go for amusement to-morrow to have a ride to Alor
Gaja. We will then go to Gunong Panchor, along with
Mr. Berchi Westerhout, to see the Jakuns' (primitive
inhabitants) ; 'for there are many there.' So I assented,
as I wished also to see them. So in the morning next
day we got on horseback, with presents for the Jakuns,
consisting of Java tobacco and puppets ; for these were
what they were fond of— they would not take gold if they
could get these. We arrived at Alor Gaja about four in
the afternoon, so we remained there ; and on the morrow
we started, yet in company with Mr. Westerhout, with
numbers of Malays as an escort, till we arrived at the
foot of Gunong Panchor. Here we left the escort and the
luggage, we ourselves climbing the mountain, when after
some time we got to their place. We had also brought
with us a Jakun, who was acquainted with the Malays,
as an interpreter.
When we had arrived, we sat around an open shed
to rest ourselves, while the young Jakun went into the
forest, being ordered by Mr. Westerhout to call his
fellows. He carried with him a bamboo which had
holes in it, which he sounded, on which at once six
Jakuns came out, with some old women and children.
When I saw them, I was greatly astonished to see their
condition. I praised God, who in His greatness had
created various races of mankind, each with their
peculiar gifts, nature, form, and such like. Their
appearance, as I first saw them, was the same as human
beings like ourselves, but with the dispositions of beasts ;
for beasts know also how to clean themselves, but they
certainly did not. Their hair was like wickerwork
clotted (?), and had no longer the colour of men's, being
plastered with earth and gum, just like a buffalo's skin,
and withal infested with lice and fleas to an extent
248 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
which God alone could tell. They lived without clothes
or coats, nor even an undercloth to their body, but only
a bit of bark as big as one's palm, — this to hide their
nakedness. Then as to the hair of the face, this was also
as other people, their beards being entirely unshorn (or
unplucked out, as the Malays do) ; and their skin had not
the slightest appearance of being human, but just like
earth in folds smeared with gum, while the eyes watered
down the cheeks. I also perceived that each carried
a creel or basket on their back, in which they put all
kinds of food ; two quivers below their armpits, with a
sumpitan over their shoulders ; also a fine piece of
bamboo, like one's toe, filled with the ipoh poison, and
which was thrust into the sash of their waist. Thus they
came up irregularly ; but when they saw us they were
afraid to approach. But I was standing ready with my
pen full of ink in my right hand, with paper in my left,
to put down what I observed or heard of them. This
was my agreement with Mr. Newbold while at Malacca.
So we called them to come near us several times ; but
they would not, being afraid of us. So they sat at a
distance, huddled together, carrying the smaller children
on their necks — their eyes looking wild, as if they would
run off, all speaking to themselves just like birds fighting,
which I wrote down thus : ko ko kang king cha. Such was
the sound of their language, but which I could not
understand.
The young Jakun I formerly mentioned now came
up to us, to tell us that they were dreadfully afraid, as
they saw the red coat which Mr. Newbold was at that
time wearing ; so he took it off. So now the three of
us, viz., Mr. Westerhout, Captain Newbold, and myself,
went forward to them ; and when they saw this, they
commenced clamouring with each other. But we now
placed the presents of tobacco and puppets in their view,
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD.
249
through the means of the young one above mentioned ;
he crying out that these were from the gentlemen. The
women now began to laugh and to look at us,— before this
they had looked away. Now each and all laid hold of
the tobacco, and thrust it into their mouths, sucking
the juice. After we had sat awhile looking at them,
Captain Newbold asked me to sit down beside them,
to write down their words, stories, and customs, while he
was at dinner ; so he and Mr. Westerhout went to dine,
walking also about. Now only would they speak of them-
selves and laugh.
I had a small book prepared, filled up with words, like
a vocabulary, of which the Malays have no name ; so
I asked the names of this and that, which they told me,
in a mixture of Malay and Portuguese. We went on till
I came to the name of God, whom they called Deus. This
certainly was a sign that their origin had been from the
Portuguese, at the time they took Malacca from the
Malays ; but how had they been scattered into the jungles ?
This occurred probably when Malacca was again conquered
by the Dutch and Malays acting in concert ; and there
yet remains a Portuguese church at Pangallan Tampui,
as well as a graveyard in the big forest in the interior
of Malacca, with stones engraved with Portuguese letters,
which are written like Malay or any other language.
All this subject I have argued to exhaustion, and my
conclusion is that the Jakuns are descended from the
Portuguese ; but God alone knows, whatever men of
understanding may think of their origin.
To proceed. I commenced by inquiring into their
customs at marriage, when they told me that in regard
to the woman, the man constantly followed her, by way
of showing his desire to have her. This was made known
to her friends and neighbours. So they waited till the
tampui fruit season, when all collected to gather it
250 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
from all parts of the wood. Of this they made spirits.
They then searched for beasts, such as the monkey, pig,
snake, and what else they could get, which they collected
in an open space or on a hill. They now got wood
together for burning, which they used in roasting the
flesh with yams. The spirits were drunk while they
consumed the above, and much noise and feasting went
on. They now gave the bride spirits till she was drunk,
dressing her at the same time. Now the clothes are stuck
with thorns and hung from her neck, and she was decked
on her body and neck with forest flowers and leaves. This
done they seek a knoll. The people now all assent, when
the bride runs round and round the knoll, the bride-
groom following trying to catch her. She soon falls,
owing to her being tipsy, when the bridegroom gets
hold of her. The tribe now all raise a cry of delight,
and then retire ; the couple also retire to the depths of
the forest. This is the marriage ceremony.
I now asked about their burials, when they told me
that when a friend, father, mother, or wife died, they at
once left the spot, running to another— the corpse resting
at the place where it lay till it was rotten, or had been
eaten by wild animals ; nor would they go near it again,
as the place had killed one of their friends.
I again asked about their births, when they told me
that when a woman was about to be delivered, whether
it be night or day, that they made large fires to make
angun ; and when they had burnt well, they pushed away
the glowing embers, leaving the ash hot. On this they
bear the child ; and when it is born, they cut the navel
string with a sharp edge of bamboo. They now cover
the child with the hot ash. The mother now takes the
ash and daubs the body with it. She then encloses her
child in leaves surrounded by bark, and putting it in
a creel or basket, she takes it into the forest, and what-
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD.
251
ever food is eaten by the mother she chews and gives to
her child, as well as giving the milk of her breast ; and
when the child is two or three years old they begin to
teach it to climb trees, then to drop leaves with expert-
ness, and such like.
I again asked the Jakuns about their religion and their
idols. But they declared they knew nothing of these, but
only how to seek their daily food, and that yearly, in the
tampui season, they made spirits (arak), when all
brought beasts to roast and eat. This time was then-
feast days.
I now looked into the creels or baskets on their backs,
when I saw roasted yams, two or three snakes in three
parts, salt, rolls (?), and turmeric, a bag full of tobacco,
four Bengal potatoes, limes and other fruits, young
plantains, two lubel nuts,— all these were in their
basket. Also each individual had a piece of bamboo, a
span in length, which he had filled with pepper and salt
which had been pounded. And all these eatables they
dipped in the bamboo before putting them into their
mouth.
I then asked them about the poison called ipoh— its
power, the origin of its being made, and the beasts that
it cannot kill. To this they replied, ' At the distance of
one hundred feet, all brutes or men that we shoot, if
wounded— be it but a needle's size, and we can see blood
—death is certain. Only elephants are an exception to
this. This is owing to the thickness of the skin, and
the quantity of water in their bellies— owing to this the
poison is slow in taking effect.' 1 then asked if Jakuns
had ever been killed by tigers. They said such was
the case, but very rarely,— perhaps they were seldom
met, as the tigers were afraid to remain in then vicinity,
being afraid of their poisonous arrows. The name ipoh
was from a certain tree; there is one to be seen at
252 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Pangallan Balla, with broad leaves, bifurcating, of vary-
ing size of stem — some say to the size of a sapmalak (?),
but what have been seen are less; other people say
that at its fruit season birds and brutes avoid it, because
of its poison. At first its gum is white in colour, and
when the trunk rises, the bark becomes the thickness of
one's thumb, when the gum oozes out slowly. The
Jakuns now take the gum and mix it with various kinds
of poisons, which are obtained from roots and grasses,
but of which they would give no instructions. They
also told me that they put the puppets in.
After this I asked them how many tribes of Jakuns there
were ; on which they told me there were a great many, —
firstly, Benua ; secondly, Jakun ; thirdly, Sakai ; fourthly,
Udai ; fifthly, Akeek ; sixthly, Kyat ; moreover, that the
Benua were the aboriginal inhabitants, but that they were
overcome by other races and princes. They had fled
from fear into the recesses of the forest, and thus in pro-
cess of time their habits altered, together with their
language and mode of dress, even to the condition of
being afraid to see the sight of mankind ; yet they are of
the same form as we are. As to the Sakai, they live as
we do, only their habitations are on the tops of trees, so
when they see mankind they flee like brute beasts. The
Udai are men also, but I have never seen them, so I can say
nothing of them, further than that I conjecture they live
in the deep forest, to be away from the rest of the world.
I then, inquired as to their habitations, whether they
were houses or fixed sites, and they told me that
the original habitations of the Jakuns were under the
buttress roots of big trees ; but, wherever they wished to
stop at night, they had only to cut down a few branches
and leaves to cover the spot, and there they slept, and on
the morrow they left to seek food. But in places where
the wild beasts were numerous; they got up in the trees to
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD. 253
sleep, as many of their friends had been carried off by
tigers while sleeping under the crevices of the buttress
roots. But now many of the Jakuns knew how to build
houses like little huts, in which they remained, but that
these were not real Jakuns from the first. I now per-
ceived that they were covered with cutaneous disease ; so
I asked them if they ever bathed, so as to clean them-
selves, when they told me that they were not guilty of
such a thing with water, but that when rain fell, their
bodies got washed ; for they added, ' If we bathed with
true water to cleanse our filth, we to a certainty would get
sick, or it would be against one of our primitive customs.'
After this I made inquiries of them relative to
rumours that I had heard of their great occult skill,
such as in turning people mad, affecting people by the
tuju. (pointing of the finger) till they died, creating spite
between one person and another, and such like. Now
know all ye gentlemen that read my story, that I give not
the slightest weight to these rumours, further than they
are vile calumnies, lies, and deceits. They replied to my
inquiries in the following manner : True, there are many
people in our tribe who are versed in such practices, for
they take care of the spirits, so that these do their
behests; others are skilled in medicine in all kinds of
diseases, all of which are derived from the roots of trees
and leaves; further, that Malays frequently came to
them to ask for the required medicines.
Just as I was asking and writing all these queries,
Captain Newbold and Mr. Berchi Westerhout, came to
call me, telling me that it was near evening, so that we
must be going, in order to get to Allor Gaja ; so I put up
my pen, ink, and paper. After Captain Newbold had
thus made friends with the Jakuns, we arrived in Malacca;
and in about five or six days they sent him a blowpipe and
a bamboo joint filled with ipoh poison and accompani-
254 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
ments. When they arrived, Captain Newbold fired a
poisoned arrow at a dog, which died from the effects at
once, as the blood was seen ; how especially then if men
had been struck, how strong will be the poison ; but God
forbid, for ipoh is the chief of poisons amongst the
Malays. Moreover, I have mentioned Jakuns in my
account of my voyage to Tringunu as being in the in-
terior of Pahang, whose employment is to bring down
ivory, gum benzoin, and rattans, to sell or to exchange
to the townspeople. By this means they are acquainted
with the Malays, understanding their language and
dressed in their costume. Thus they are very different
from the Jakuns of Bukit Panchor, whose manners and
customs I have above related.
I will now relate the circumstances of my intercourse
with Captain Newbold. I remained with him for
nearly three years, busy with Malay literature, trans-
lating even to the names of eatables and the various
ingredients used in cooking, and their mode of prepar-
ation— the condiments, and their various kinds and
tastes. For this purpose he gave me money to have them
prepared two or three daily, which he ate, and he had
other kinds the next day. This was the way between us
both ; we were well suited towards each other, and, having
the highest regard for each other's feelings, we never had
differences ; so as he said I said, and what I said he
said — we never made sour faces at each other. Our
state was that of prince and counsellor from beginning
to end. Such was the case between us- when an order of
the Government came to him to go, his successor having
come from Madras ; so he prepared to sail. His succes-
sor was Captain Ferrier. And two or three days before
he sailed, he said to me that he wa3 about to sail ; ' But
good-bye to you ; if I live I will come back to Malacca. And
I have a great wish that you may get employment here,
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD. lob
for if you go to Singapore, to get you back will be difficult,
as I have a great deal for you to do yet, so I think I
shall return quickly.' To this I replied, that I hoped he
would return in safety, and that we might see each other
again. So he grasped my hand. The bright day lowered
into the gloom, the clouds bearing the rain now began
to descend : such is the state of men about to part with
their friends. So he let my hand go to wipe his eyes, and
going into his room, he brought out a present for me like
himself, when he told me not to forget him, and that
this would be a sign to my children of our friendship.
He also gave me a certificate stating how long I had
taught him, and my competence in his work ; for this was
the custom of white people to call the good good, and the
bad bad. On the same day he sailed. God had per-
mitted me to see the face of a friend abounding with
intelligence and amiability."
The expression "teaching Mr. Ebbison" sounds strange
in the ears of an Englishman — a black man teaching the
white one that had gone forth to regenerate the world !
— yet this is one of the necessary paradoxes when
universal objects are sought to be attained.
Captain Newbold was favourably known in the far
East as having published the last work of its date (about
1834) on the Straits Settlements, and the introduction of
our autobiographer to him is amusing. How rich the
vanity displayed by poor Abdulla, yet how useful an
ally, must he have been to the English officer ! Abdulla,
by his own account, must have been sadly run upon by
his friends. Towards Captain Newbold he approaches
nearer than to any of his prior white friends, for now he
calls himself brother. This sentiment is more agreeable in
the distance, and can be perfectly safely indulged in under
256 HAKAYTT ABDULLA.
such circumstances. We hope the gallant captain is
still living, and will honour these remarks with a perusal.
In the visit to the Jakuns, or wild men, it will be noticed
how much superiority over them Abdulla affects. This is
a common fault with men of colour, and is surprising to
Europeans. I have visited severally the primitive tribes,
such as the Jakuns of Johore, the Sabmiba, and Muka
Kuning, but could discover no physical difference between
them and the Malays, though they were more simple,
and not dressed in cotton prints. Yet they had none of
the disgusting habits of filthiness which Abdulla seemed
to have descried in the particular tribe he visited.
Nature is always true to herself, and forms men in
adaptation to the circumstances in which she places
them, and when we look thoroughly into the reasons of
their customs and habits, we find that there is a sen-
sible reason for them. Abdulla, no doubt, writes of his
brethren (now that he claimed that relationship with
the gallant captain) as being able to speak only like the
chirping of birds, yet from the vocabularies that I have
seen of several of the races, such as the Samangs of
Kiddah and the Mintera of Eumbau, we find that the
languages are closely allied to Malay. Indeed, Malay
and all the tropical languages, extending from New
Guinea to Madagascar, were originally of a negroloid
race, whose remnants are now only to be found in the
remote districts and islands of the Malay Peninsula,
Andamans, Cochin China, and the Philippines. It is the
intrusion of the Mongolian that has extirpated the
original race, though the language has remained almost
intact,* from causes into which I need not here enter.
It is a common idea with the Malacca people that the
Jakuns were Portuguese ; and the Jakuns allege this
* See paper on the Barata Races in vol. iv. Trans. New Zealand
Institute : " Whence of the Maori," by Translator.
CAPTAIN NEWBOLD. 257
themselves. But it is to be understood only that they
were at one time converts to the enterprising mission-
aries of St. Francis Xavier and other apostolic leaders,
who followed the fortunes of Alphonse Albuquerque at
the beginning of the 16th century. Thus the word Deus,
and, it may be, many others, may have been implanted
in their language.
The superstitions of these people may vary in form,
but they are the same in principle as the negroes of the
centre of Africa and the red races of the basin of the
Amazon, which may be called Fetishism ; that is, they
personify good and evil influences, visible or invisible,
and propitiate them by spells or sacrifices. The fullest
and best account of these that I know of is from the pen
of Mr. J. R. Logan in the Journal of the Indian Archi-
pelago, vol. i.
Captain Newbold seems to have entered deeply into
the study of the usages of the Malay. The part that
would have suited me best would have been the testing
of the culinary products of the fair (?) hands in Abdulla's
kitchen ; the practical opinion on this point, no doubt,
was more palatable to the writer than the descriptions
thereof could be to the reader.
At length the parting came, and the actor moved off
the stage, but, as usual, with the intention of returning,
which return was never realized. What can the
natives think of us flitting creatures, who come and then
go, whose objects in life they cannot understand, whose
motives are unfathomable, and who are yet controlled by
influences that seem overpowering ? The sensations at
parting are described by Abdulla, no doubt, as they ought
to be, but not as they were. There can only be one
first love, whatever oriental hyperbole may say to the
contrary. We see that when our autobiographer was
sick, his wife could not go one day's voyage to see him !
s
258 HAKAYIT ABDUIiLA.
XXXII.
THE NANNING WAR.
"I had now been engaged at Singapore for about four
months, when a rumour came that the English were
about to make war with Nanning, and that the people of
Malacca, clamoured with fear, so all those engaged in
trade or other pursuits at Singapore, belonging to
Malacca, were for the most part returning home to see
their families. So I returned also, because of numerous
letters from my father calling me. And when I had
arrived, I found the town in a great state of excitement,
each and every one watching their houses in fear, with
weapons in their hands. I heard various rumours — some
saying that in two days' time the interior folks intended
to come down and massacre the townsfolks, others
declaring they had come in thousands ; so all took to
their heels, with their weapons in their hands, some
crying for their children, some falling and rising and
running again. The sound of clashing of doors and
windows was like a hurricane. So the thousands ran with
their weapons, some crying they are yonder, others they
are here. Thus there was a great hue and cry in the
town, even to the drawing out of the cannons from the
fort, chasing from here to there, — and all this for nothing
but lying rumours, just as people fight in their dreams.
The Government now gave orders for the people to set
THE NANNING WAR. 259
watch in their respective quarters, with lamps burning
at their doors. The people in the suburbs also nocked
into the town, bringing their goods and chattels, a few
only remaining outside. In the town itself nothing was
to be seen but people repairing weapons, or blacksmith's
shops crowded for this purpose. There were also
twenties of shops for grinding, and charcoal dealers
almost everywhere. Moreover, at the time I arrived
at Malacca there were many officers and sepoys, with
cannons and muskets, with hundreds of followers, going
to fight the Nanningites ; and three days after the expe-
dition had gone the Malakites were in great tribulation,
as on the morrow Mr. Lewis escaped home, only saving
his life. Now, also, all the officers and sepoys ran back to
Malacca, they having engaged the natives of the interior,
losing all their cannons, muskets, Company's tents,
gunpowder, shot and implements, which were left
behind. All these had fallen into the hands of the
interior natives, by the grace of God who knoweth.
Now, to my notion, when people hear all the stories
about the war of the English with the Pengulu of
Nanning, they will of course wish to know the origin
of this native chief — who he was, and the cause of the
war. On this account I will do my best endeavour to
give the details of his history, his doings from beginning
to end, truthfully, as set forth below in this page.
This comprises the Origin of the Pengulu of Nanning.
Know, then, the origin of the Pengulu of Nanning, in
the district of Nanning, begins at the time of the Dutch
taking Malacca from the hands of the Portuguese ; for
before that there was no Pengulu in Nanning, but
instead thereof there were four Sukus, who governed
in the times of the Portuguese. But from the year ,
when a governor called Penteus (?) held Malacca, three
260 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
commissioners were ordered to go to Nanning, to instal
a Pengulu (chief). The names of these were Messrs.
Sahas (?), Maddeus (?), and Fernis Gofinieru (?). And
when these had arrived in Nanning, they proclaimed
to the people that they had come, by order of the
Governor of Malacca, to instal a chief (or Pengulu), and
that they, the people, were now desired to select one
froni amongst themselves, and to make their choice
known.
So all the old and young men gathered together and
chose Dato Sarajah Mara, of the tribe Beduanda, to be
Pengulu ; whereupon the commissioners acknowledged
him chief. This was the origin, his tribe being Beduanda,
in Nanning. So they returned to Malacca, when the
Governor gave him a seal as a token ; and under this he
had charge of Nanning for many years, when he died.
He was succeeded by his nephew on the female side.
This was the second Pengulu, he also being designated
Sarajah Mara, of the tribe of Beduanda ; but at the time
of his charge the captain of the Malays in Malacca was
Dato Ai'um. And there was one, by name Ganit de
Langit, who carried off a concubine of the Sultan of
Johore, and took her to Moar. On this the Sultan of
Johore sent a letter with imprecations to the captain
of the Malays above-named, at Malacca, to make away
with him. So Dato Arum called Joamagit, and asked
him if he could undertake to kill Ganit de Langit.
Joamagit replied with obeisance, ' Your slave will under-
take to kill him, but I beg to have a weapon given me
for the purpose.' So the captain gave him a kris. So
he went and killed Ganit de Langit ; and after he was
dead, the woman was sent back to the Sultan of Johore,
who invested Joamagit with a sword, a slave, a coat, and
an ure, and he accepted these marks of favour.
The Pengulu of Nanning at this time was old, and his
THE NANNING WAR. 201
memory defective, when Date- Arum went to the Gover-
nor of Malacca, whose name was Elam Pasham (?), in
the year of the Hejira 1118, i.e. a.d. 1702, asking that
Joamagit be made Pengulu of Nanning. The Governor
assented to this, having the concurrence of the present
Pengulu. Joamagit was therefore invested with the
nanTe of Saraja Mara. This was the third, being of the
Samalangang tribe. After he had been in charge of
Nanning some time, he died, and was succeeded by his
nephew on the female side, called Gagali. He, again,
after he had charge of Nanning for some time, being
the fourth, also died. He was then succeeded by his
nephew on the female side, called Mulana Karang.
This was the fifth Pengulu of Nanning. his tribe being the
Samalangang, the third, and he died. He was succeeded
by his nephew on the female side, by name Janggut;
this was the sixth Pengulu, and of the same tribe the
fourth, and he died. He was succeeded by his nephew
on the female side, by name Tambah ; this was the
seventh', the fifth of the Samalangang tribe, and he
died. He was succeeded by his nephew on the female
side, by name Unuk ; he was the eighth, the sixth of the
latter tribe, and he died in the year of the Hejira .
And he was succeeded by a relative on the female
side called Dul Syed ; he it was who was installed by
Colonel Taylor, an English Governor of Malacca. And
the captain of Malays at that time in Malacca was
Inchi Mabub. Dul Syed was the ninth Penguin of
Nanning, and the seventh of the Samalangang tribe : he
was in charge in the year of the Hejira 1247 (a.d. 1831),
and it was he who rebelled against the English Govern-
ment on account of the revenue payable by Nanning.
It had been the custom from all former times for
Nanning to pay the revenue in Malacca annually, either
in unhusked rice, or fowls, or ducks, or fruit, and such like,
262 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
— that is, these were sent to the house of the Governor in
Malacca. But at the year above given, the East India
Company desired that over all the produce of Nanning
and its bounds the Pengulu should pay one-tenth,
which he thought to be too heavy. Further, as the
former system was established by inherited custom
from his ancestors, he would not follow the new desire
of the Government. On this account the Company
attacked him, till numbers of officers, sepoys, and
subjects were killed on either side. The war lasted for
more than a year. The commencement of the fighting
was in the year of the Hejira 1248 (a.d. 1832), when
he was defeated, when he betook himself to Padang
Passir.
The sub-Governor of Malacca at that time was Mr.
Samuel Garling, and the Governor of the three settle-
ments, Mr. Bonham. These gentlemen then went to
Nanning and created fifteen Pengulus : — First, Pengulu
Ikan Limak, of the Belala Munja tribe ; second, Pengulu
Peku, of the Mamat tribe at Batu Balang ; third, Pengulu
Malkiniak, of the Mulana Saltan tribe at Butu Ballang ;
fourth, Pengulu Taboh, of the Safor tribe at Samalan-
gang ; fifth, Pengulu Landu, of the Kemass tribe at Tiga
Batu ; sixth, Pengulu Ayer Pak Amas, of the Dul tribe,
a Malacca man ; seventh, Pengulu Briu, of the Aludin
tribe, a Malacca man ; eighth, Pengulu Sungei Siput,
of the Laut tribe at Samalangang; ninth, Pengulu
Padang Sabang, of the Guro tribe at Tiga Naik ; tenth,
Pengulu Tanjing Rimau, of the Langav tribe at Tiga
Batu ; eleventh, Pengulu Pulo, of the Talib tribe at
Mengkal ; twelfth, Pengulu Kamoning, of the Odin tribe
at Samalangang ; thirteenth, Pengulu Bating Malacca,
of the Kojeh tribe at Mengkal ; fourteenth, ;
fifteenth, Pengulu Tabong, of the Dul Kanji tribe at
Beduanda. After they had created all these Pengulus,
THE NANNING WAR. 263
then the elders of the four Sukers of equal authority
were:— First, Dato Membangun tribe at Tigu Batu ;
second, Andik Maharaja tribe of Malacca ; third, Raja
Nangui tribe at Samalangang ; fourth, Orang Kia
Kichi tribe at Mengal. All these were divided by
Mr. Bonham.* After this, on the 1st November, ,
the country of Nanning was put under the charge of
Mr. Berchi Westerhout, to rule the same, when he
proceeded to the district. Then on the 4th of February
following, by the will of God, Dul Syed came and gave
himself up to Mr. Berchi, who brought him to Mr.
Samuel Garling in Malacca,— at which place he was
appointed to remain a state prisoner on parole, he
getting a monthly allowance of thirty f sicca rupees,
where he remains to this day engaged in making a garden
at Gaja Bring. Thus he was settled finally, with his wife
and children.
After I had seen all these things and the different
races of men engaged in them,— some coming from
Bengal, others from Madras, in various dresses ; some
kneeling to fire, others lying prostrate to do so ; others
going to battle disguised as buffaloes,— there also came
a ship loaded with hundreds of oxen with long horns,
of such a height as I had never seen before, nor had any
of the Malacca people. The purpose of these was to
draw cannon and warlike material. They astonished us
so much that even all the children cried out as they were
passing, ' Oh, the long-horned bullocks ! '
But the story of the Nanning war is a long one, so 1
only give the heads of it, and there is no necessity for me
to compose it, insomuch as I have shown its origin and
cause. It was a great affair, and no doubt known to most
• Afterwards Sir Samuel Bonham, Bart.
t Mr. Blundell Bays 100 Rs.
264 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
people, on which I need not dilate, as an officer called
Major Begbie has made a book* on it in the English
language, and in which I assisted him a little in regard
to the Malay affairs ; that is, on the origin of the Malays,
Malacca, and the names of their settlements, — all these
he learnt from me."
The Nanning war was one of those wars of Xerxes in
which the East India Company used to indulge, no
doubt from sufficient motives. They were good for
trade, both home and colonial, and the Malacca store-
keepers would not be the least amongst the supporters.
It brought in foreign capital to be scattered amongst
them, and the good times of the war of Java would be
in the recollection of many. There can be no doubt that
the East India Company lost prestige in the eyes of the
Malays by their management of the affair, which assumed
leviathan proportions, as the attack of all barbarous
tribes hidden in forests must do when undertaken by
regular armies. Sir James Brooke, with two hundred of
his men, would have brought in the Pengulu in the
course of six weeks, — as it was, this service required
several regiments, who would not march till a way had
been cleared, several chains in width, through the tall
forest for a distance of twenty miles. This was the real
labour of the war, and appeared ridiculous to the
natives. The regular troops were calculated for action
only on the open plains of India ; for such a country as
the Malay Peninsula they were the wrong material.
The impedimenta of an Indian army are enormous, and
the habits acquired even by the European officers are
obstructive to enterprise. Bass and Allsopp will have
* Much lampooned in the Madras papers for its pathos.
THE NANNING war. 205
much to account for in future years, when trials of
strength come between us and other European govern-
ments. The climate is debilitating enough, but the quan-
tity of beer consumed makes it doubly worse ; it tends to
make the bodily system inert and obese, creating a
tendency to fever. I always found beer drinkers easily
prostrated by a little exertion, and would vote that the
beverage be abolished from the Indian army. The
officers are brave, but they should always be in a con-
dition to undertake hardships without nagging, or being
prostrated by the diseases which the use of malt liquor
nourishes. A love for beer is promoted by the climate,
and is ultimately detrimental to sound habits and self-
respect. In fact, in India, if real service is to be done,
neither ales nor spirits should be taken, unless occasion-
ally, after exposure to wet ; no man requires them
habitually till he is past forty.*
Crawfurd informs us that " Nanning covers an area
of about 400 square miles, having a population of about
6,000 souls; a poor and unprofitable possession." Of
the Nanning war, Mr. E. A. Blundell, formerly Governor
of the Straits, says that no one could be proud of it
except a few native chiefs, who still chuckle with delight
at the idea of having caused the English to retreat.
The war, he adds, was "caused by the non-payment
of a tribute of 400 gantangs of paddy, value 12 dol-
lars, which cost the Government of India '20 lacs of
rupees, and ended by pensioning the rebel chief on a
salary of 100 rupees a month, a larger sum than the
man had ever possessed at one time. It will thus be
seen that the cause of the war is stated differently by
* I have known a European so addicted to beer, that he required to
have a coolie carrying a three-dozen case after him if he left his house
for anv time. Of course in this instance the addict ion was a disease, and
he soon killed himself. 11<' was not a soldier, however. It is said ho
attained to the maximum of twenty bottles daily.
266 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Europeans and native authorities, the latter alleging
that it was owing to the tribute being raised from the
established one to one-tenth of the whole produce.
There are always reasons for things, and I can imagine
the latter to be the correct one ; so, after all, the war did
not begin from trivialities. No doubt it was a legitimate
thing to try and make the Nanningites pay for the
protection afforded them from outside foes, which they
would not have been lax in calling for, yet to transport
one-tenth of their gross produce over swamps and
through forests for twenty miles would have been no
small undertaking. It appeared to them to be worth
fighting for, — and, after all, Mr. Berchi Westerhout, a
country-born Dutchman, was the real finisher of the war,
for he himself went and cajoled the rebel chief to come
in and accept from the Government (for him) a hand-
some pension.
To the British tax-payer the story has an interest in
this manner, — while he pays £2 8s. a head per annum,
his "much oppressed" fellow-subjects of a part of India
are paying only half a farthing. Pity is often misplaced,
and how often is not the English public wheedled out of
their money by false sentiment.
It will be noticed that the sisters' sons inherited the
dignity of Pengulu. This is a Siamese custom, and on
asking the reasons, the natives give a practical one
suited to their social system, viz. that it guarantees the
true blood. The whole of Nanning, which has cost so
much, would not cover a sheep-run in New Zealand.
The autobiography goes on to relate certain scandals
in the Malay court, which are of little interest.
( 267 )
XXXIII.
NATIVE PRINCES.
" Now, it is but proper that all these wonders related
above (scandal in the Sultan's court) should be re-
membered by us for our edification, as we have witnessed
them in God's omnipotence, by which He overshadows
His slaves. Astonishing indeed is it to see a Sultan of
high descent and ancient lineage, of mighty power,
further, and who had allowances to the extent of 1300
Spanish dollars, with his palace and surrounding great-
ness, leaving all, and casting himself away from one
country to another, wedding his daughter to a vulgar
Kling, and so with six or seven of his sons. For it is
well known by the Malay laws, as well as those of Europe
and China, that it is by no means becoming to mingle
the blood of the subject with that of princes. But all
this, in its sanctity, had been forgotten, which would
be punished by God, and that not by beating with a
stick or a stone, nor by stripes with a rod, but unawares,
and by restlessness at night, or other means above our
comprehension. Nevertheless, mischief would come of
it, more especially as the doings of Malay princes are
not little oppressions ; such as in ravishing of the wives
and daughters of their subjects just as they lust, with
as little thought as the catching of a chicken, and as
little fear of God, to the shame of His creatures. Again,
2G8 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
killing these people as if they were nothing better than
ants, they having done no crime calling for death.
Further, in taking men's goods by force, killing the
owners, or keeping them captive ; never paying their
debts; given to gambling, cock-fighting, keeping multi-
tudes of slaves, who despoil God's creatures, stabbing
them ; or, as is the case in Borneo and Koti, where they
commit piracies on the European ships, killing the
crews. Further, they send their spear to people's
houses, oppressively requiring their goods and chattels ;
forcing betrothals, and such like misdemeanours of
different grades, of which I am ashamed to write in my
story. Moreover, thej' humiliate the slaves of God, who
are created like themselves, looking on them like dogs, —
as, for example, when they go along the road people have
to sit down in the middle of the road till they are past,
whether it be in the mud or the filth, all are ordered to
squat down. More especially, again, they make hundreds
and twenties of daughters of their subjects into concubines,
closing them in their harems, and once or twice in taking
concubines they keep them till death, not allowing them
to marry other men ; and were such to marry, they would
kill and root out the whole house of such a woman.
The fathers and the mothers of their concubines may be
sick unto death, yet are they not allowed to go out to
see them. And while they detain them in their courts,
yet they do not feed and clothe them sufficiently, but
treat them as slaves ; but when they are enamoured of a
woman, they blindly obey her in all her behests. If she
wants to kill, he kills accordingly. All these hang on
their lusts only, not on justice or the laws of Islam, nor
on the counsel of the public, but on their self-will. Then,
as a matter of course, each raja has ten or fifteen
children, but some have twenty or thirty. Such children
have the nature and disposition of brute beasts, owing to
NATIVE PRINCES.
2G9
their undergoing no teaching from their fathers in any
good direction when young, but only following sensuality,
becoming practised in evil, such as cock-fighting,
gambling, opium eating, treachery, and assassination;
and when they grow big, if the father does one quarter
of wickedness, the son does three-quarters more than he.
And all the slaves of God that feel their wickedness,
oppression, and injustice, have no redress but to the
Lord, who sees and hears the bowlings and lamentations
of mankind, and He it is who will repay all these doings
with true justice. And these sleep soundly before they
reflect, but when it is light God repays them.
Is it not true that in this part of the world full half
has been originally under the government, laws, and
direction of the Malays, for I have seen in many
histories and traditions of the race making mention
of Malay princes of old, their power, greatness, and
worth? Then what is the reason that God has taken
these from them, giving them to other races ? Is it
not because of their oppression and overburdening
injustice, by which God has depressed them, and put
them under the government of other races? Then if
this state and these manners be perpetuated, God alone
can foretell ; but to my idea, who am unlearned,—
whose knowledge comes not of himself, — to a certainty
the very name of Malay will be lost in the world, by the
will of the Almighty ; for have I not read in many books
that He is at enmity with such oppressors ? And from
this sentence I draw my argument, that when one
hates God he will be destroyed. Delay, then, to fight the
Almighty.
Moreover, because in my age I have seen many Malay
countries destroyed and becoming wildernesses, places
for elephants and tigers, by reason of the oppressive-
ness and injustice of rajas and sons of rajas, — such
270 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
as Selangore, and Perak, and Queda ; again, as Padang,
and Moar, and Batu Pahat, and Kissung, and how
many more places the same as these. Now, in former
times all these were rich countries, beautiful and
full of people ; but now the name remains only, after
reverting into forest, the inhabitants having removed to
other places — some in poverty, eating one day and
starving two days ; — all these griefs and misfortunes
come from the oppressions of the rajas and the sons
of rajas. And not to look at the distance, see Padang,
how well populated it was at one time ; how many its
men of wealth and variety of merchandise coming out
from thence, in those times I allude to ; how immense
the quantities of betel-nut exported, numbers of ships
yearly carrying this production to Kalinga and Bengal ;
besides this, the quantities of ivory, benzoin, and
rattans ; nor were durians eaten in Malacca unless they
were the durians of Padang, and these in such abun-
dance as to bring two or three doits only each (about
a farthing to a halfpenny) ; also mangosteens were in
millions, for which four or five stores were erected in
Malacca, in which to keep them— here they sold for five
or six to the doit (one-eighth of a penny), — but of dukus
they could not be reckoned, they were so abundant ; half
of Malacca was raised up with the skins of these fruits
brought from Padang ; and in regard to other fruits that
came from thence, they were beyond my powers of
relation.
Now, I myself have gone to see the mangosteen and
durian gardens, and when I got to the top of a man-
gosteen tree, I could see that for two or three miles they
extended without break ; and in the durian season the
fruit fell in thousands, and these were of the villages
only, and not of the hills. The name of these hills is
Moara. But as to the myriads of trees, God alone could
NATIVE PRINCES. 271
count them, for their rearing was the business of the
population of Padang in former times, and at their
season they cleared them only, and at the time of falling
it was their occupation to collect them. Many of the
merchants of Malacca became rich from the trade of
Padang ; the rents returned thousands of dollars
annually, too numerous to detail. Thus the country
rejoiced in ease and comfort. This was at the time
Sultan Mahomed governed Linga, Khio, and Pahang,
and Padang Moar and Batu Pahat acknowledged him.
And he watched them justly, well, and with moderation,
in the manner above related.
Then after Sultan Mahomed died there came sons of
rajas from various places. Thus in about three days
after the event, one touched at Padang, and as he landed
on the beach, he ordered his lance forward, requesting
rice, fowls, and what else he desired. Now, the people of
Padang were very simple, looking on the name of rajas
and sons of rajas as gods, reverencing them with their
bones all trembling ; so they gave their property away
to him, not receiving a doit for the same.. So he went
away, when ten or fifteen days afterwards came three or
four other sons of rajas, each and every one requesting,
and some even landing themselves and taking by force,
like pirates, whatever they saw, using them as their own ;
the owners only winking their eyes, the fools, from fear
of the sons of the rajas. So they bore all. These sons of
rajas had no shame, nor fear of God nor the people, so
they did as their evil propensities led them. Some of
them also behaved like brute beasts, laying hold of and
desecrating the young women. After these had gone
then others came, and what they wanted could not be
denied them ; for if they were denied or opposed, they did
not stop at murder or house-burning, till even the cocoa-
nut trees were destroyed, and felled to the ground.
272 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Thus they destroyed all the slaves of God by their
injustice and oppressions, till they were scattered abroad,
deserting their villages and village greens, their cul-
tivated fields and rice plots, fleeing to various places.
Thousands were thus sent astray along the coasts,
leaving their dwelling to revert to forest — a place for
tigers and elephants. Does not God know all their
sufferings and burdens, and has He not also been their
avenger ?
Hear, 0 gentlemen, of another wonder which especially
affects a custom of Malay rajas, and which is not a
Mahomedan one, nor of any other race in the world ;
but it is a devilish custom, sensual and wicked. That
is, in Malay rajas taking people's children and making
concubines of them, and this without the slightest con-
sideration of the feelings of the parents, their own flesh
and blood. Thus their child, as it were, is dead to them.
They force these girls in their houses, calling a worth-
less khatib, or libby, who knows nothing of the rules of
our faith, but greedy only after hire. So the raja
orders the girl to be connected to him by the process
called nika with the kris. So one girds on the kris,
placing water and sirih. Thus the khatib fills hell : for
fear of the raja the woman is under nika by the kris.
It is then asked if the ceremony of the nika is as estab-
lished, when the khatib declares it to be so. Thus many
children become accursed. Owing to this, the proceed-
ings are as if the devil was not afraid of God himself,
nor ashamed before the people. All these are unjust
and oppressive, which God will reward according to
their deserts. Beware, all ye, of these unjust and
oppressive deeds, if you maintain them in such a
manner, for to a certainty God will rain down fire from
heaven to bum and destroy you. Know ye not how
many nations of prophets of old, from injustice, oppres-
NATIVE PRINCES. 273
sions, and rebellion, have been destroyed by the
Almighty, by great winds or by heavenly fire, or by
overwhelming oceans, and such like evils, together with
the curse of God on tyrants and oppressors ; for these
are at variance with Him.
I have also wondered at another injustice which a
person told me had come upon himself at the country
of Keteh, which was to the following effect :— When the
eons of rajas go abroad and arrive at a place, all the
inhabitants come before them with presents ; after which
they return to their houses. And while the son of a raja
remains there, he orders his slaves to land, asking for
this and that ; so the slaves go and take whatever they
see, catching fowls and kids, climbing the cocoa-nut
and betel-nut trees, and so forth,— none daring to prevent
them, as they carry the lance of the raja. And when the
slaves of the raja see any one finding fault in the least,
they forbear, but mark the house, and return to their
prows, and tell their master that in such a house there
is a deal of rice. So in the morning, before the people
have risen from sleep, the raja's slaves go and pretend
to step up the ladder of the house, and to fall down ;
and when they have fallen, they run to their raja
and complain in this manner : * 0 raja, you ordered
your slave to go to such an one's house, and as I was
going up the ladder to his door, it broke down and I
fell.' So the raja is enraged, and tells his slave to take
his lance and demand a fine of forty dollars at once.
Upon this the slaves are quite delighted, and go off
bearing the lance, and demand the fine of forty dollars,
—and this peremptorily, even to the pledging or selling.
If this demand be not met, then they lay hold of the
children, so the owners sell the house or go into debt,
in order that may they find the forty dollars. Such is
the manner of the oppression and injustice of sons of
T
274 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
rajas, which is a subject of play and pleasure amongst
themselves.
Moreover, if these affairs come to the ears of the
sovereign, he will not interfere, nor even make inquiry,
being afraid of his sons troubling him, or even amoking,
— because of this he says nothing. It is thus with fire .
when it is small, it is a friend; but when great, it is an
enemy, and destruction comes on all the slaves of God.
It is their opinion that they are specially favoured by
God with the keys of government in this world ; for this
reason they follow their own desires, good or bad, and
whatever their sensuality dictates they do. Thus they
become the slaves of sensuality itself. Very good, I am
pleased too. But can ye, 0 rajas, always live thus, and
not die. Do ye not think the Lord's word is true, when
He says, 'All ye sensualists shall die to eternity,' and that
when the time comes He will inquire most certainly of
you, rewarding you for your good or evil deeds. And do
you shut your ears or eyes so that ye hear not nor see
the customs and laws of the white man (Europeans).
If they wish to put to death any one for his crime — that
is, a crime that deserves death — how much examination,
consideration, consultation, and care over it have they
not, together with the testimony of witnesses ; and these
also have to prove themselves to the satisfaction of twelve
jurymen, in every particular, before they will assent to
death. Even after this, the judge seeks out a road, if
possible, to save the life of the accused. And if there
be no way to do so, then only does he give the judgment
of death. Thus God gives safety to the Queen."
NATIVE PRINCES. 275
The allowances of the Malay Sultan, and Abdulla's
remarks thereon, will show how much we, in our
estimates, are guided by relative comparison. £'3,600 a
year would be thought a very small sum for a potentate
of high descent and ancient lineage. It is to be re-
membered, at the same time, that the money was well
spent on the Sultan, as it kept his followers from
piracy.
Abdulla's remarks on sovereigns mixing their blood
with subjects will not go down now a days, after the
marriage of the Marquis of Lome.
Abdulla here shows his perfect abhorrence of the
doings of his native princes. There are, no doubt,
foundations for his complaints, but he, being a British
subject, could never have had any knowledge of these
doings from experience, so he must have written from
hearsay. At this time he had been long connected
with the American Protestant missionaries, and, writing
his autobiography at their instance, he would naturally
make his anti-monarchical views as strong as possible.
At the same time, it must be remarked that most of the
Malay States have their " undang-undang," or written
laws, by which sovereign and people are guided, and as
leges mori serviant, they would be suitable to the state of
civilization in which nature had placed the populations.
I myself have perused the laws of Kiddah, and such was
my impression at the time. In mediaeval times in Europe,
the privileges of the lords of the manors over the maidens
are known to have been very obnoxious to our present
social system.
The oppressions and over-burdening injustice spoken
of by Abdulla come, in the first place, from the people
themselves, in being so listless in asserting their rights.
The former greatness of Malay kingdoms is also greatly
exaggerated. The records of Marco Polo prove this, as
»
276 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
he passed through the Archipelago when they ought to
have been at the summit of their power.
On the fate of Padang it is to be noticed that, as the
Malays will not pay taxes, so they cannot command
good government. Everything has its price, and so has
good government, as we well know in New Zealand,
where we pay Ml a head per annum for it. So popula-
tions paying from half-a-farthing up to six shillings
must take the alternative, and submit to intermittent
levies on their families, goods, and chattels. On the
whole, they will get off the cheaper after all. True, the
Malays have no roads, but then they have no road-rates ;
true they have no sewerage, but then they have no
house-rates ; true they have no gas, water, or other con-
veniences into their houses, yet they have no gas and
water-rates. Then they have no railways, but two or
three hundred of them are not occasionally crushed or
burned to de,ath ; and then they have no steam vessels,
so five or six hundred of them are not drowned like rats,
as in the Atlantic traders. Last, not least, they have no
coal mines, so we never hear of two or three hundred
husbands being smothered to death below the houses in
which their wives are living. All they have to bear, even
by Abdulla's account, is the occasional squeeze by their
own princes in search of provisions, pleasure, or sensu-
ality. So there can be no guarantee against oppression
without a settled government, properly supported by
taxation. This applies to autocratic and democratic,
with all the other shades of systems ; but burdens and
misfortunes come, whichever way you turn.
Yet Abdulla in his fervour rises to the standard of
another Elijah. Tropical governments, no doubt, are
sadly weak ; strength only comes of chasteness. I
could mention instances that have come under my
notice, but forbear. I know many of my countrymen
think otherwise.
NATIVE PRINCES. 277
The lance is the usual sign of authority amongst
Malays, and is carried by the king's messengers. I see
Abdulla questions the divine right of kings notwith-
standing.
In a future state he appears to be an implicit
believer.
His last sentence explains how readily native govern-
ments yield to the Europeans, their justice being known
far and wide. There is nothing so assuring as the sight
of an English judge sitting with calm consideration of
the suits before him.
The death and burial of Sultan Hassain next follows,
but is untranslated.
278 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
XXXIV.
MR. ALFRED NORTH.
"Moreover, in the year of the Hejira 1251, and the
20th day of the month Jamada-1-Ula, i.e. in the year of
the Messiah 1835, on the 12th day of the month October ;
and in the Hindoo year Manmada, and on the 28th day
of the month Pertasaia, — on this date I had translated a
history from the Hindoo language into Malay. Its
origin was also Hindoo, and its name in that language
was Panjatandaran, but in Malay Galila dan Demina ; of
which I made an excellent composition — this by the
assistance of a friend well versed in the Hindoo, by
name Tomby Matuber Papater, of Malacca.
I took great pains to know the contents of this
book, as it had a great fund of stories, sayings, and
proverbs, as well as relations and parallels exemplifying
knowledge, wit, and acuteness, for the use of readers. It
is true that the stories were merely fables, but which we
need not mind, in as far as the stories and relations go ;
so I would not ask you, 0 readers, to believe them — for
do not you know yourselves that they are surely the
composition of men, and not intended as true ? — but what
I would want of you is to select the right and set aside
the rubbish.
So I forewarn all such as wish to see and read the
above work, that I have placed it in the hands of
MR. ALFRED NORTH.
279
Mr. Alfred North, an American— one who bathes and
drinks to his heart's content in the sea of the Malay
language ; for he is an especial disciple of mine, m whom
I have°the greatest trust in translating English into
Malay, according to the correct idiom, and in no way
like the same work by the English, who compose Malay
in their own idiom— as, for instance, kwpada iang mam
aku tela perchaia, and deripada siapa aha tela mendoput,
and dingan iang mana iya tela meniatakan baniak orang,
and pergi ka passar dan bill ayam ; and as I have found m
the Gospel of St. Luke thousands of such ungrammatical
expressions, as well as in their ordinary compositions.
These caU themselves clever (!) in Malay; but each say
this for themselves only, and such (as above) is then-
Malay. But Mr. North, after seven or eight years'
sinking and rising in the study of Malay, admitted to me
that he had not yet mastered it ; for the natives of each
nation alone could do so in their respective tongues.
Thus no foreigner can be a critic in any language but
his own."
The work translated by Abdulla I have not seen, but
others that I have seen in Tamil abound in excellent
maxims. Mr. North was an American Protestant mis-
sionary to the heathen, and it sounds somewhat odd to
see Abdulla, a Mahomedan, calling him an especial
disciple of his. This shows with what different eyes
people see. Over-estimation of self is the commonest
of faults. In Mr. North Abdulla had now found a pupil
that would really apply himself. On looking back at
his story, we see that only three others besides Mr.
North gained his respect and admiration, viz. Raffles,
Milne, and Newbold ; but North appears to have sur-
280 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
passed all in bis competent acquirement of the language
of which Abdulla was a teacher. His adverse criticisms
of the English translations are well-founded ; and now at
last he had found a white man that would pay respect
due to a native guru.
This appears now a proper time to notice the different
missions in the Straits, especially at Singapore, though I
touch on dangerous ground by doing so in an unbiassed
manner. There were in my time four missions for the
conversion of the heathen, — two Protestant and two
Roman,* — which discordant arrangement had much the
same effect as I have observed it to have in New
Zealand, and which eventuated in the setting up of a
new religion called Hauhanism. One Protestant mis-
sion was from London ; the other from (I believe) Boston,
in the United States. As I was only a casual observer, I
cannot give a full account of their system, but I can
safely state that its principal feature was to set up
schools for children ; beyond this they may be said not
to have mixed with the natives. As I traversed the
settlements for seventeen years in all directions, I never
met a Protestant missionary out of the towns but once,
and he was under the protection of the resident official.
No doubt their labours would have a limited effect, but
this amongst the descendants of Europeans only. When
they educated the children of Mahomedan, Hindoo,
and Bhuddist parents, the effects were most apparent in
the contempt by their scholars for all religion, and the
adoption of an ethical superciliousness in lieu thereof.
The material on which they had to work was a species of
Fetishism, i.e. all unusual objects were supposed to have
special spirits attached to them ; such as large trees,
* I do not use the word Roman in an offensive light, but as distinct
from Anglican, Greek, Armenian, Coptic, Ethiopian, Nestorian, Mala-
barn, and Teutonic.
CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN MALACCA.
281
rocks, round stones, tops of hills and headlands. This
was the basis of the mind of the people, on which
Mahomedanism, Hindooism, and Bhuddism had been,
from time to time, superimposed by northern races.
Now it was sought to substitute Protestant Christianity,
which ignored all these ideas, and, besides, attacked the
vital parts of their social system, viz. polygamy and
slavery. Thus the mission difficulty was enormously
increased; superstition and spiritism might be overcome,
and materialism or reason substituted, but the institu-
tions innate from all time could not be done away with.
Hence the cause of want of success— a circumstance which
soon led to the breaking up of the two missions, and
the dispersion of the labourers to more promising fields.
Now, as to the Roman missions, one was French and
the other Portuguese. The latter had lost all its vitality,
for the days of Francis Xavier had gone. All it did was
to show a useless opposition to its more energetic rival.
This rival was under the direction of one well versed m
human nature, and alert to every chance that tended to
increase his neophytes. His mode of working was
entirely different from that of the Protestant mission-
aries. He and his assistants were seen at all times
of the day and night trudging along the roads and
through the forests, visiting the various native houses
and villages. And here they only followed natural laws,
as well as their Protestant opponents. The young un-
married priesthood of Rome delighted in excursions,
new scenery, and experiences. Their bed might be on the
ground for that matter. The married priesthood, on the
contrary, held to the school-form or studio, that his
regularity as a devoted husband might not be ques-
tioned. In short, one courted sunstroke and the other
liver complaint, that both should die martyrs.
They gave their principal attention to the Chinese, in
282 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
whose interests, temporal as well as spiritual, they cast
their whole thoughts. If a Chinaman had a plea at
the police-office or the court, or before any of the public
departments, there were his French missionary friends
alongside of him. I saw little of schooling here.
Human nature seems to have been taken as it was
found, and manipulated accordingly, and self-interest
is the best of polemical arguers. Thus, before I left
Singapore, I found Christian Chinese in all parts of the
settlement, both in the open and the forest ; these to the
number of from two to five thousand. Often, when halt-
ing at mid-day for a little shelter from the sun, I have
gone into the Chinese Gambier bangsals, where I have
found the crucifix over the altar instead of the Joss.
But otherwise you could see no difference. I do not say
it by way of commendation, but here superstitious reve-
rence was in no way interfered with. The transitions
effected appeared to be without a struggle. But yet
polygamy and slavery remained to be overcome ; these
in Singapore would not be very serious difficulties, as
few of the Chinese were married in the settlement, —
probably not one in twenty, — and the other institution
was suppressed as much as possible by the English
Government.
I have observed of people who have never been out of
Europe, that these vital difficulties to the introduction
of that phase of Christianity that is most agreeable to
the mind of the people there, are not apparent. This
is not to be wondered at. But missionaries find them
to be too certain ; nor dare they accept the Christianity
of Abyssinia, as such could have no support on then-
basis of operations. Contact with the black man
may have its advantages, but the counter objections
balance the account. Could European and American
missionaries imitate the conduct of the Mahomedan
CHKISTIAN MISSIONS IN MALACCA. 283
ones, their influence and religion would spread like wild
fire. Let the ladies marry the elevated natives, and tin-
gentlemen make similar connections, and, the bond of
sympathy thus being practical, the superior mind of the
white would enormously increase its functions and
range. In this manner the white whalers and sealers
of New Zealand were the real proselytizers there. It
was by their native marriages and connections that they
paved the way for Marsden, Selwyn, and other Christian
apostles, who now had only to develop by nurture a tree
whose seed had been planted, and whose shoots were
coming forth out of the ground. And yet a widespread
reaction took place against Christianity in the native
mind, fully twenty years after it was thought to be firmly
established. This was due, no doubt, to many causes ;
but one of the most influential was that of the ever-
increasing presence of the white woman, whose interests
demanded that her countrymen should hold the Maori
apart. The two races thus became distinct castes,
having no common bond; thus estrangement, leading
to virulent animosity, followed. What effect the
measures of the beneficent and benevolent McLean
may lead to is yet to be seen.
But to return to our subject. Missionary influence in
the far East, as I have seen it, has not had the
stimulus which it had in New Zealand, and the efforts, so
far, have in no practical manner got hold of the indoor
sympathies of the people. Till that is done no advance-
ment can be made, unless the tactics of the Romanists
are pursued. But this is impossible for Protestants.
Thus our missionaries are placed between two dile mmas,
viz., to sacrifice their home associations, nay more,
their country and very blood ; or to do virtually nothing.
True, education they can give, but this merely sharpens
the weapons of ethical acuteness against them. Faith
284 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
alone, which comes of inner conviction, and which is pro-
moted by social connection, will do it. I once went through
this subject fully with an honest and intelligent
American missionary, and such was the conclusion at
which we arrived.
So fully was I persuaded of this, that when a society
for the elevation of the Maori was got up in Otago, on
being called upon for my subscription by three maiden
ladies, I said I would subscribe if they would promise to
marry a Maori after he had been elevated. But the
bargain was rejected with scorn, and I kept my money,
being of opinion that there might be self-conceit on their
part, but no true Christian philanthropy. They would
artificially elevate a being so as he could see the degraded
position from which he had risen, and then refuse him
the consolations of the higher sphere to which they had
raised him. This was promising him bread and giving
him a stone.
After this the Chamber of Commerce is noticed ; but
we proceed to the next translation.
( 285 )
XXXV.
PERTURBATIONS OF THE NATIVES ABOUT THE
ENGLISH CHURCH.
"I will now tell about the English church at Singa-
pore. It is situated in the centre of the plain of what
was Kamunting and Sikadudus scrub. After it had
been cleared by Colonel Farquhar, in a short time there
came sepoys with their officers, who were stationed on
the site. They remained here during the time of
Colonel Farquhar; but after this all were removed to
the lines on the road towards Tullo Blangah, where are
now to be seen houses appropriate for officers. So from
that time the plain remained open— a place for racing
horses, and for the Europeans to take an airing in the
evenings. Then by-and-by one or two European houses
were built on the plain.
Then, coming down to the year of the Hejira 1254, or
a.d. 1838, during Mr. Bonham's governorship and
Mr. Wingrove's police commissionership, the English
gentlemen residents combined to erect a great church ;
for, before this, Mr. Thomsen had only erected a small
one, where the English went to worship. So when the
combination was completed each gave as he could afford ;
also subscriptions came in from other quarters. So now
they commenced to lay the foundations of the church,
the architect of which was Mr. Coleman, who reared
286 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
it as we now see it ; but be placed on the top of the
pediment a cross— that is, a post with three branches,
made out of lime— at which, I have heard, many of the
English were not pleased, as this was following the
custom of the Nasrani (meaning Koman Catholics).
Now hear, 0 gentle reader, about a very stupid affair
which got into the heads of mankind, i.e. the Klings,
Malays, and Chinese in Singapore and Malacca. When
the church was finished, the usual track (a short cut)
skirted it, so numbers of convicts were placed to watch
the material lying about ; afterwards they were ordered
not to let people pass by that way, for four gates had
been placed at the corners of the square, which had
also been hedged with bamboo. So the convicts had
always to find fault with the people entering inside, but
the people would not attend to them. This enraged
the convicts, who ran after the people with sticks when
they saw them enter. These people now made off
under the impression that the convicts wanted to kill
them. Immediately after this occurrence, two men
coming from Campong Glam, wanting to go to Singa-
pore town, entered the enclosure (or the short cut), when
they were chased also, and ran calling out that the con-
victs wanted to murder them. Out of these proceedings
arose numberless rumours — some to this effect, that the
Governor had ordered people to be killed for the sake
of the heads, which were intended to feast the spirit in
the church. This was because of a dream that the
Governor had, in which the spirit came to him, asking
for the heads of people, and threatening that if this were
not granted he himself would be killed, with all his
retinue. Others said that there was a hole in the church,
where all the heads were piled up ; whilst others said
that numbers of people had been made away with silently,
all of whom had been murdered by the convicts, who
FALSE RUMOURS ABOUT THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 287
carried off their heads. Others again told about children,
having gone a-missing, having been killed by the same.
Two or three now went to complain at the police-
office ; but they could get no redress, being told to
fetch the murderers. Others said that the murderers'
masters had arranged the affair: for this reason
they would not listen to complaints. All these foolish
rumours were circulated from one person to another
till they got abroad. This set all the people in a state
of consternation, even to the keeping in of the children,
and when people themselves had to go out, it was
with caution and with arms ; so when night came, the
plain was deserted — no one dare go near it, — and if
people were forced to go by, it was in company, all
being armed. And wherever I went nothing else was
asked but the truth or falsehood of the rumours, when I
enlightened them as to their falsehood, telling them they
were very big lies, and utterly adverse to the customs of
the English, their laws and regulations. Further, that
they, the English, had not the slightest belief in evil spirits
and such dreams. Had they not observed them, having
lived so long under their government, when, in the case
of murderers, these were searched out, and no amount
of money would hush the prosecution? How much
money was not also spent in following up murderers?
Nor would a great war even prevent the pursuit — even
utter destruction would not make them give in : until
the murderer was hung, they were never satisfied. So,
indeed, it would be wonderful if they ordered convicts
to kill twenties of people in an open plain, to get the
heads to put in their church. How foolish is not this,
and what a misfortune it is that men can believe so. A
person, whose hair was as white as his foolishness and
lying were great, now answered me: 'The rumours are
true, for yesterday people saw the convicts skulking at
288 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Campong Glam.' To this I replied, ' Perhaps the convicts
were thieving or deserting — who can know? ' To this he
replied, ' At Tullo Ayer, last night, a convict ran after a
Chinaman to kill him, when all the people ran trembling,
seizing their weapons as for a great fight ; ' that he
himself was astonished at the affair, but he had seen
it, and men of position had also related the same, so he
concluded that all was true. Thus I was put to shame,
and had to be quiet ; I did not argue further, but I kept
the matter to myself, and made it my business to go to
, Tullo Ayer to see if the tale was correct or not.
Then, after I had inquired into the circumstances, I
found the whole rumour false. It was not a convict, but
a constable had beat a Chinaman because he made an
uproar in the middle of the night. On getting a stroke
with a rattan, the Chinaman ran off crying, which put
people in a fright, till the cry got up of ' Convicts ! con-
victs ! ' Thus a little affair had been made into a big
one — the few had become many ; as the Malays say, .the
news may be excellent, but men's sense tells whether it
be true or false, and no one denies it. Thus one night
a great disturbance arose in the merchants' quarter,
which is surrounded by houses, and which were full of
people even to the shores of the harbour. It was about
two in the morning, when a man rose from bed, but
in doing so he fell over the legs of a neighbouring
sleeper, who, on being startled from his sleep, saw a
person standing over him ; so he shrieked out that the
convicts had come to cut off his head. On this all the
other sleepers rose in a fright, and ran tumbling one
over the other, rising and falling, breaking their faces
and bruising themselves on the stones, and four men
falling into the river. Thus a great consternation arose,
all opening their doors and bringing their weapons,
which made the police peons run off. Some called out
FALSE RUMOURS ABOUT THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 289
that the Chinese were amoking; others cried out that
three or four people had lost their heads, which were
cut off hy the convicts. The noise of the Klings was
like thunder. Thus the night was one of wailing;
some wept, some cried, till the Europeans came out
to inquire into matters, when they found the originator,
yet standing and calling out at the pitch of his voice
that he was not a convict, so not to be afraid, hut with-
out effect, owing to the noise, — some saying that they
had seen the convicts diving into the river and swimming
across, others saying that they saw their long hill-hooks
or knives. On this the Europeans appeared, who found
the whole to be lies, but that the minds of the people
had become mad, just as when people going through
jungle and thick underwood are afraid at each breath or
rustling lest it be a tiger.
Now, it is perfectly true that such rumours were not
correct ; yet people believed in them, people being afraid
here and there, and nothing else was talked of but con-
victs. About a week after this, I received a letter from
Malacca which my wife sent ; and when I had opened the
seal and saw the writing, I laughed to my heart's con-
tent, when I learnt that my wife was sitting in great
tribulation and grief, under locked doors at night — for
people had been telling her that the convicts were
about to come to Malacca to take off heads, while others
swore they had actually seen them, to the number of
thirty or forty, bringing with them a barrel in which to
store the heads ; they having been ordered up by the
authorities at Singapore to seek heads, as sufficient
could not be had there. On this account people sat
on the alert, none daring to go out at night, for
here and there convicts had been seen lurking and
carrying weapons; and, further, that children and old
people had gone a-missing. So she beseeched me r.ot
u
290 HAKAYIT AJ3DULLA.
to go out cat night-time ; to take good care of myself, as
there had not been heads enough got for the church.
Further, that she had made another fastening to the
door, to prevent the convicts from breaking in.
After I had read this foolish letter, I answered it at
once, letting her know the whole affair from its origin,
and I beseeched her not to believe the rumours in an^
manner, for they were lies from beginning to end — the
Singapore people were mad. I then pointed out to her
the excellent laws, customs, and regulations of the
English, which were entirely adverse to such doings ;
neither did they believe in evil spirits, nor such dreams ;
and their disapproval of killing people without cause or
trial. Moreover to get people to seek for heads, this
was excessive foolishness and misfortune in those believ-
ing in such a -story. I told her also to show my letter to
her relations in the quarter, so that they might not be
wretched and miserable without cause."
This would be a very diverting translation were it not
at the same time most humiliating. This, after all the
benevolent exertions of Sir Stamford Raffles, and of men
of the Milne and Morrison stamp ! Their beneficent,
amiable, and just views had not entered into the souls
of the natives, nor been appreciated in any manner
whatever. That the European policy can be so mis-
conceived, shows also on what a subsoil it rests. It is
as it were placed upon a volcano or a magazine of powder,
ready to blow up unawares, and from inexplicable causes.
Such was the Indian Mutiny.
Abdulla's remarks are, on the whole, very sensible,
though in them it is brought out that he was so far
affected as to take trouble to make inquiries, nor in his
FALSE RUMOURS ABOUT THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 291
position could we blame him. His sly reflection on the
pusillanimity of the police is amusing; these, of couix .
were his own brethren. His description of a night dis-
turbance is excellent, though some of the phrases are not
translatable.
In palliation of the panic of the natives, we must not
forget that at this time, in a neighbouring island (Borneo),
the powerful tribes of Sarebas and Sakarran went forth
in thousands on head-hunting expeditions, for quasi-
religious purposes; so the application of the sami- vice
to the poor Church of England came natural enough to
them, especially as that establishment was backed up by
the grim devotees of Kali and Juggernaut, viz. the Bengal
convicts who were set to watch the edifice. It is most
strange what arrangements take place in India, and how
incongruous are the elements brought not only in close
juxtaposition, but even as allies to a holy cause. Thus I
have seen an old Thug, who had taken a hundred lives,
assisting the organist at divine service, he doing the
essential part, the bellows-blowing.
Good Mrs. Abdulla, in the hubbub, was anxious
for her husband's and her own safety ; so she put an
extra fastening to the door, though she was 120 miles
away.
Abdulla says the white people do not believe in evil
spirits, but I find in the late spiritist disturbances in
Otago that the Calvinist clergy do. White men will not
part with the devil, for more reasons than one. How
Abdulla should have imbibed this opinion I do not know.
292 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
XXXVI.
HIS DAUGHTERS DEATH.
"After all this affair had Mown over, I returned to
Malacca, as I learnt that my daughter, named Liti Lila,
was unwell. When I arrived at Malacca, I found her
very bad, and in two or three days' time it was the will
of God over His slave that she should die. I was
plunged into the deepest grief, and so was her mother,
as I was very fond of the child, who was only seven
years old. She had been well instructed, and had a
clear understanding, with a heart full of affection to her
parents : on this account I was strongly attached to
her. After she had been buried at the Kling Mosque, I
visited her grave daily in my grief, and one day while
I was there, as had been my habit, her image appeared
to my view. This was in the evening about half-past
seven o'clock. I was alone, sitting at the grave weeping,
when I saw my child playing on the sand. When I saw
her I ran forward to embrace her, but I found nothing
but sand. I then knew that the devil, in her image,
intended to destroy me. On this I at once asked mercy
of God, that he should relieve my grief and wailing for
my child. I then returned to my house, to beseech my
wife to wipe her tears and suspend her lamentations. I
then informed her of the vision ; when she begged at
my feet some words of pure counsel to moderate her
affliction.
ms daughter's death.
293
Then in furtherance of her wish, I thought over all the
books that I could call to memory. If it had been for
myself, I would not have undertaken the task, for 1
trusted to God alone to assuage my grief, but after the
above request I betook myself to compose a little book
which I named in the Arabic, Doah Alkalub, which
means in Malay, Obat ati (medicine for the heart). In
it I dilated on the cases of children who have died
young, and the honour, in the future state, to their
parents, whose little children they were. How, there-
fore, improper is it of parents to nurse their grief
and disconsolateness, and persevere in such a manner
—with many other admonitions which I held forth tor
our edification.
After I had finished this book I read it to my wile,
when then only she regained her usual equanimity,
and forgot her grief for her child. The book is still in
existence, and has been borrowed by many people who
have lost children; further, twenties of people have
copied it."
I made this translation with the more interest, as I
remember, as it were like yesterday, Abdulla relating the
circumstance to me. 1 no doubt pooh-poohed it, like
most unthinking young Englishmen, so he found that he
had in me no sympathy. Apparitions and their causes
have been well studied by physiologists ; I need not, there-
fore, enter into the subject here. But the story of
Abdulla is affecting. He daily mourned over the grave
of his lost child, when at dusk she appeared to him
playing on the sand; he rushed forward to clasp her to
his breast, when he found that she was not. She with
the sparkling eye and loving smile, he would have kissed
294 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
and fondled, but she bad departed beyond bis ken.
Then comes actuality, with all its fierce truth, and with
that, revulsion. In this he sees the worker of all evil,
from which he flies to the God who gave him life.
How would Christians have behaved? Each will answer
in a different way. He puts on the man again, and
does as his experiences bad taught him.
To understand him to a certain extent, we must know
the faith of the Mahomedans on the subject of the
principle of evil, as they personify it. Lane informs us
that the Mahomedans believe in three species of created
intelligent beings, viz., angels of light, genii of fire,
and men of earth. Some hold that the devils (sheytans)
are distinct from angels and genii, but the most general
opinion is that they are rebellious genii or jinn. Iblees,
or the devil by some, was said to be sent as. a governor
upon the earth, and judged amongst the jinn for a
thousand years ; after which he ascended into heaven,
and remained employed in worship until the creation of
Adam. It is disputed whether he was of the angels.
When the jinn rebelled against God on earth, Iblees,
being elated with pride, refused to prostrate himself to
Adam and Eve, so God transformed him into a sheytan.
According to tradition, Iblees and the sheytans have
longer existence than the jinn. Among the evil jinn
there are five sons of Iblees : Taer, the causer of
calamity ; El-Aawar, of debauchery ; Sot, of lies ;
Dasim, of hatred ; Zeleemboor, of unfair dealings. The
jinn have various shapes, such as those of serpents, scor-
pions, lions, wolves, jackals, etc., etc., prototypes of which,
I may add, by way of parenthesis, may be seen in any
illustrated work on John Bunyan ; so the Mahomedans
are not singular in their conceptions. Lane continues :
" The jinn had not liberty to enter any of the seven
heavens till the birth of Jesus, but Mahomed excluded
THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE ARABS. 295
them from all. The devil's sphere now is to prowl amongst
the markets, road crossings, — his holy book being poetry .'
his alphabet geomancy, his speech falsehood, his snares
— women!" But this gives a very limited idea of the
mythology of the Arabs, who have other orders of jinn;
such as ghools, sealahs, ghaddars, delhaus, shikks,
nesnas, hatifs, etc., all of which have peculiar functions,
and to which are ascribed various monstrous forms.
We have already seen that Abdulla had shaken off
these superstitions; and, as far as I can see now, acknow-
ledging only two powers — the principles of good and evil
— to the former he clung, the latter he shunned. His
admonitions appear to have had balm in them for his
domestic hearth and amongst his neighbours. Here we
have a glimpse of the inner man at the age of about
forty.
* In the Kiddah Annals, his book is said there to be beautiful women.
296 * HAKAYIT ABDULIA.
XXXVII.
AMERICAN MISSIONARIES.— VOYAGE TO TRINOANU.
—LOSS OF HIS WIFE.— BIBLE TRANSLATIONS, Etc.
" About this time news arrived in Malacca to the effect
that a number of American missionaries had arrived
in Singapore, who wished to learn Malay ; so I was
roused with a desire to return there, being curious to see
the appearance of Americans — were they like the
English, or like people of black skinned races, for I
had never met with them. It is true that I had
heard the name of America mentioned by the English,
as being an island in far distant seas, where they sent
their malefactors to, and through this means the popula-
tion had increased. This is what I have been told by
many Englishmen.
So, in four or five days' time, I sailed for Singapore.
And during a walk one day, I went to call on an American
missionary named Mr. Terisi (?) ; and when I saw him, I
did not see the slightest difference in his appearance,
language, manners, habitation, and clothes, from
English. He was at this time stopping in the house
of Missionary Thomsen, so I entered into conversation
with him. I observed that his manners were soft and
his conversation agreeable. He asked me where I came
from, and my profession, which I informed him of, from
the beginning to the ending. At this he told me that a
AMERICAN MISSIONARIES. " 297
friend of his, by name North, was very desirous to find
one who knew Malay, as he wished to study it ; and as
he was saying this, Mr. North entered. I noticed that
he was also like an Englishman, without the slightest
difference. So I now sat speaking to him. Mrs. Terisi (?)
and Mrs. North then entered, both of whom, I saw, were
like Englishwomen, of gentle manners and sweet ex-
pressions. Their conversation was in like manner, which
made me pause and reflect on what I had been told to
the contrary, by people above-mentioned. So, when it
was settled, I commenced to teach Mr. North and his
wife, as well as Mrs. Terisi (?) — this daily at their ap-
pointed hours.
Then on a certain day I was sitting talking to Mrs.
Terisi (?), when I asked her about the origin of the country
of America, — how it became so populous, and such like.
So she told me that it was true that her ancestors were
English, and of these there were four men good and
God-serving, who were oppressed in England on the
subject of religion ; so they left it and searched for
another place to live, which they found in America, which
at that time was under high forest. There were also
inhabitants, but these were like the Jakuns (wild men
of the Malay Peninsula), and very fierce. After they
had settled, they erected houses, villages, and planta-
tions ; after them others followed, till the place had
become a country. The people of England then came
to know this, when many of them emigrated, so that the
country became populous. After this a war took place
between America and England, as the Americans would
not obey their orders, as they wished to put heavy duties
and customs on them. This the Americans would not
comply with, nor would they be dependent on their
government. On this account a great war arose, till
America was nearly overcome, but which was averted by
298 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the strenuous exertions of a great American, called
Washington, — through him America was not overpowered.
On his account the Americans have a feast-day to the
present time ; this is on his birthday, yearly. Since
then there has been no war. When I heard these affairs
related, it appeared to me that her nation had suffered
obloquy, so I now questioned what had previously been
told me regarding convicts having been sent there ;
indeed, I pondered over the circumstances, when I came
to the conclusion that it must of necessity have been the
choice and the excellent of England who went forth to
found America, and the reason of my saying this was,
that if evil seed had been sown it would be impossible
that good trees could have sprung from it. As the Malay
proverb says, ' Does a tainted well produce clear water ? '
and, moreover, if its water is impure at first, so it will
be afterwards ; the moral of which is, that if the people
who founded America were bad, their descendants would
be bad also.
So I remained teaching this gentleman and his wife ;
and after this came others whom I also taught. Further,
there arrived a Mr. and Mrs. Thompson, whom I also
taught. All these gentlemen and ladies (mini) I taught
at the direction of Mr. North. Then came a Mr. Terbili (?),
whom I taught till he could speak Malay, read books,
and translate a little from English into Malay. Yet all
these, it must be stated, learnt the language superficially ;
but Mr. North studied it deeply, always striving to master
the proper idiom, its phonology, its proverbs, examples,
reasonings, and arguments, as used by the Malays them-
selves. He also collected the books, histories, poems,
and pantuns of the language. Owing to this circumstance,
in my estimation he mightily excelled all the others;
and another reason also may be stated — that most of
them after learning a little sailed for other countries,
VOYAGE TO TRINGANU.
299
but Mr. North from the first has remained till now.
He has composed a great deal in Malay on the sciences
of Europe, stories of distinguished people, the activity
of Europeans, and their influence over the world ; also
regarding the description of the firmament and its
creation, the invention of steamships and railways, the
making of gas, the river navigation of America, the uses
of steam, the mode of whale fisheries, scientific dis-
courses, and inventions of Europe, with teachings how
the Malays may follow and master such like acquisitions.
I was thus in the employ of Messrs. North and Terhili
for some years, going and returning to Malacca, when
one year I went to Pahang Tringanu and Kalantan,
being in charge of a letter from Mr. Bonham to the
Raja of Kalatan, when two sketches were sent with me,
one belonging to Mr. Scott, called ' Maggy Lauder,' the
other to Mr. Boustead, called ' Waterwitch,'— but I need
not dilate on this, but if any one wants to know the
account of my trip, I have written it, from the date I
left Singapore till I returned in safety, and which has
been made a book of by Mr. North, one page being in
Jawi characters, the other in English, but in the
Malay language, and which I named Kaseh Pelayeran
Abdulla. And whoever wishes to see the book, it is with
Mr. North, who sells it at a fair price ; and if you, 0
reader, peruse the work, you will of course understand
the manners and doings of Malay rajas, and their
people's condition, into which subject I have fully
entered.
After I had returned from Pahang Tringanu and
Kalantan, I went to Malacca, as I heard that my wife
and children were in a great state of consternation. For
they had heard various rumours ; some people telling
them that I had been taken off by pirates, others that
I had been killed in the wars at Kalantan, and such
300 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
stuff and nonsense. Thus all were sitting in grief. At
length, when I came to them, various Klings, relations,
and friends assembled to hear the news, when I read them
my account of the voyage, at which they were much
astonished when they heard of the customs, manners,
and laws of the Malay rajas.
I remained a short time in Malacca and then returned
to Singapore, when I learnt that Mr. North had re-
moved to Campong Boy an, where I continued to teach
and to write. In that house he and I revised the Gospel
of St. John, for in the former translation there were
many improper Malay phrases and many errors, so we
revised it entirely. We also set to to print copies of
the Sigara Malayan, besides other duties, and while thus
engaged I fell sick of remittent fever ; in it I got weaker
daily, and my body became emaciated. I was, further,
in a great state of grief, as, being in a strange land,
there was no one to attend to my food and drink, or
medicine. Thus I felt more sore at heart. My disease
now increased so much that I could not bear the smell
of food, nor could I sleep. My thoughts were, that
should I die, let it be in the presence of my wife and
children. At this crisis Mr. North came with medicine,
which he ordered me to take ; but I told him that I could
not get well again in my present situation, as I had no
one to look after me, so I hoped he would allow me to
return to Malacca, and, if it be God's grace that I should
get well, I would return quickly to him. When I said this
he replied, ' How are you to return, as I have a great
deal for you to do, which will be put off ? ' I then said,
' Of what use am I here, in sickness ? Let me go, that
I may be doctored comfortably.' To this he replied,
' Very good, as it is your wish.'
So on that very day I went on board a prow for Malacca
in my fever, and as I was three days at sea, exposed to
HIS ILLNESS AND THE LOSS OF HIS WIFE.
301
the winds and the rain, I fell ill all the worse, and by
the time I got to Malacca I had lost my senses, the fever
was so virulent. I was then carried to my house, where
many people assembled to give me all kinds of medicine,
when I came to my senses; but yet I was very sick,
neither being able to eat nor to drink, so I felt myself to
be dying this time. I was now at times insensible from
the strength of the fever, when, about three in the
morning, I asked my wife to give me ink, pen, and
paper. At this my wife began to cry, thinking I was
going to die. Then with a shaky hand I wrote out my
will,°giving all my claims, house, and furniture in trust
to two persons, who were, after my death, to guard my
effects as related in the will. After I had finished
writing, I put it into my wife's hands. By this time
it was daylight, and I now felt unfit to think, my body
was so hot, and my hair had become long from want of
shaving. So I asked that my head might be shaved;
but they would not allow it, but to wait the bantun,
for the bantun was very strong. But I said, ' If I die,
yet let me be shaved ; ' so in this state they shaved
me. After this I felt a little relief in my body ; my eyes
were now heavy and I slept a little, yet they were full
of fear ; but, by the goodness of God, my time had not
come, and I betimes improved a little, and in about three
or four months I got well, God giving me respite.
After I had got well my wife fell ill, as she was about
to bear, and she got no sleep ; when on the morning of
Friday, at half-past five o'clock, on the sixth day of the
month Babeh Alawal, in the year of the Hejira 1259
(a.d. 1843), her child— a son— saw the light ; and in the
midst it became evident that the will of God was on her,
when she left a changing country for a country that has
no change, to receive the recompense of martyrs. I yet
feel unable to describe, relate, or write down the circum-
302 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
stances in my story — my grief, misery, and heaviness of
heart have been so excessive, like an elephant cast on
a rock and dashed to pieces. The feeling of my heart is
as this — while people are drowned at sea, I am drowned
on dry land, — so long had I, by the pardon of God, been
living in enjoyment. But in a moment I was left like
the fowl whose chickens are snatched from her sight
by the vulture, and my grief was the heavier, seeing my
children wailing and crying for their mother, scattered
about as chickens that have lost theirs. My house was in
disorder, like a country without a government, all doing
as the}7 liked. "Worse than all, the newly-born child was
crying for want of milk ; my furniture and effects were
meagre, so my poverty was disclosed to the eyes of
strangers : the glory of my house indeed had de])arted. I
was thus steeped the deeper in sorrow and despondency ;
the world became dark, the clouds gloomed, and the
rains descended — yes, descended in volumes. I then
recalled her words, which were, ' 0 God, I trust in Thee
to the fulness of my heart, the Lord, who teaches me in
His kindness.' So, by the grace of God, He will take care
of us till that day which most certainly will come, viz.
the resurrection of all mankind.
"VVe then buried her in the afternoon, at three o'clock,
in the Kling Mosque at the Balli Maharah, and I
returned to my house, my heart's sickness yet living ; yet
I tried, with prayers to God, to alleviate my sorrows, so
that He might sweep them from my heart — my remem-
brance and my great grief. For, if it had not been by
God's help, to a certainty I would have fallen into the
snares set for me by the devil : he had wounded me and
I recovered, but the scar remained. But I now had a
feeling of intense loathing to remain in my former
house, owing to seeing this and seeing that, which called
things to my memory and their recollections ; so, after
REMOVAL TO SINGAPORE. 303
ten days, I felt myself to be pining, and my senses to
be adrift. I then communed with myself, and saw that it
was improper for me to remain listless in this manner.
So I concluded to sell my goods and furniture and
leave all, so as to heal my heart, with the intention of
taking my children to the Straits of Singapore. On
this being decided, I collected my things on the morrow,
and in a few days had them all sold by auction. I then
waited to collect my debts, and my house I left in the
agency of my uncle; and I then sailed to Singapore,
where I could seek a house suitable for my residence.
When we arrived at Singapore, I met a friend who
was both mindful and loving, and who carried me to
Campong Malacca on this side, under the Government
hill. I then sent a letter to Malacca, to fetch my family
and their nurse; so they betimes arrived. I remained for
some time in my friend's house, when I erected one for
myself near his, as all are Malacca people there.
After this I was constantly engaged in writing and in
teaching Mr. North ; and, besides this, I taught Mr. Mis-
sionary Keasberry, copying also books from English
into Malay, such aS ybooks of prayers and such like;
further, the story of H&S&ymd his Nurse, the Creation
and Existence of the World^^ Firmament of the Sun,
Moon, and Stars, and such like ; also another work on
the Birth of Jesus, and a great many other little
pamphlets.
While thus engaged, Missionary Stronock called me to
assist him in correcting the gospels that had been
translated by Missionary Thomsen, as they were full of
errors as well as blunders in the text, and improprieties
of idiom. All this came of obstinacy and want of ex-
perience in Mr. Thomsen, so I gave effect to the wishes of
Mr. Stronock. We commenced as if the work had never
been done ; for he was a good Greek scholar, and also
304 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
understood Malay, as well as Chinese ; and more especially
did he understand his own language well (English), not
to mention many books which he gave me by way of
assistance, having the authority of men versed in the
meanings and intentions of the words and phrases. By
this means great difficulties were removed from the
students, and especially those who have to compose for
themselves in Malay. But even with all this there
remained a few false phrases for Mr. Stronock to delete,
— such words as these : kreja-an, mulut Allah, anak Allah,
iang ada de shurga, kahidup-an iang kakal, and so forth. I
was dissatisfied owing to this, for they are neither words
nor phrases used in the Malay language, and are there-
fore disagreeable to the ear of the Malay. So, 0
reader, they should be corrected, if there be the veriest
possibility, so as to have the true Malay idiom replaced—
that is, if the above gentlemen would allow it, to wit,
Messrs. Stronock and North ; if they do not, then the fault
is not mine. So, in time to come, let not people call me a
blockhead, as not knowing the true Malay idiom ; for I
have often felt it through the obstinacy of Mr. Thomson
in his translations, wherein what was not Malay idiom
has been in use till now,— and yet I am called his guru
(preceptor) ! But the truth is he would not use the
phrases of his guru, he would bathe alone, and this is
the consequence — by this people upbraid me. I am thus
afraid of myself to be in the same dilemma twice. As
the Malay proverb says, ' The moose-deer may forget the
trap, but the trap does not forget the moose-deer.'
On a certain day I went to teach Mr. Keasberry, when
he showed me a contrivance made of a plate of copper
about two spans long and a little more than a span in
breadth, and on this copper plate there were portraits or
views of places in Singapore, but some rising and sinking ;
and when I saw their shadows — they were like nature — 1
THE DAGUERREOTYPES. 305
was astonished at them with great wonder. So I asked,
'What contrivance is this, and who was its artificer?'
when he told me that it was a new invention by Euro-
peans, and that one was on board the American ship of
war, belonging to the doctor, who had all the appliances ;
but that he could not explain all, as he had not seen it
before, but that the owner had promised to show it on
Monday next. I was rejoiced at this, as I could see it at
the same time.
So on Monday, when I went to teach him at about
noon, the gentleman arrived, and was received by Mr.
Keasberry, who introduced me to the doctor as his guru
(native instructor); so I shook hands with him and'
talked over the news, when Mr. Keasberry told him that
I was very anxious to see the invention and how pictures
were made by it. So he told us that I could do so,
telling us to follow him to the top of the hill of
Mr. Bonham, as the apparatus was there. So Mr.
Keasberry arose to call Mr. Stronock, telling me to go and
wait for them on the hill, and that they would follow ; so
I went, and they soon made up to me. We then noticed
that the doctor went into a room from whence he got
out a box with a spyglass through it, the glasses being
about the size of a farthing. There were also one or
two glasses inside, which magnified all within its com-
pass. And on one side of the box there was a shutter,
when he went and got a plate of copper about the size
before mentioned, brightened like a looking-glass. There
was also another box filled with a black powder, over
which he set the plate, at a little distance, which had
been rubbed, when in about ten minutes he lifted it, and
it now had the colour of gold. He now carried the
plate to the box with the telescope, and inserted it by
the side, and pointed towards the scene he wished to
have taken : thus the rays all entered into the place
x
806 HA.KAYIT ABDULLA.
through the telescope. He now said, ' If the sun is clear
and hot the thing is done at once, but otherwise it is
done slowly.' He now took out the plate, but we saw
nothing on it, so he took it away and washed it with a
kind of medicine (chemicals). Then there was like as if
vital heat was in the box. He then took the plate to a
vessel filled with spirit, and put the plate on it, at a
distance of about a span ; then below the sjjirit vessel he
put a lamp, which he lit till the spirit was hot. This he
allowed for a certain time. On this the steam rose to the
plate, when the medicine (chemicals) which had been put'
on the plate displayed the light and shades. Then, when
the time was up, he lifted the plate off, when at once we
saw a picture of Singapore fixed to the plate exact to
nature, in all its beauty. And as to the plate on which
the picture was fixed, he put it in front, on which was
all the landscape without flaw, and with the greatest
case.
I now asked the gentleman if he could make them
larger ; to which he replied he could, as big as I liked ; but
this depended on the apparatus — if it were large, the
pictures would be so likewise. He also told me that the
inventor of so wonderful a machine was a Frenchman,
which the English had copied, and other Europeans after
them, and that so clever an invention had been only
known for four or five years.
Again, in the year of the Hejira 1252, on the 15th day
of the month Jumada-1-Oola, i.e. on the 3rd August, in the
year of the Messiah 1841, at this time I was invited by
many courteous and respectable English gentlemen
living in Singapore to go and see a large steamship that
had lately arrived, whose name was Sesostris, carrying a
great man, a plenipotentiary (punopetenshry), on his
way to relieve Captain Elliot in China, who was agent
for the English Company in the affairs of England and
VISIT TO A STEAMSniP. 307
China. So I went along with them ; and when I saw the
ship, my joints and limbs were full of wonder at the
contrivances and skill given by God to mankind in His
care. After I had satisfied myself in looking over the
ship and various wonders attached to it, we all descended
to the saii/jiin (native boat), I sitting in front thinking
over all I had seen. On this a gentleman called out to
me to compose an account of it in the Malay language, to
let the Malays know. At this I gaped wide, saying, ' By
God's grace, how can I commence such a work ? It makes
my breath go and my limbs shake to hear my friend's
request, for I am not competent ; but by the help of God
I will write down an account of all that I saw, heard, and
felt from beginning to end, rightly or wrongly.' When I
had done this, it was printed by Mr. Alfred North in a
little book about the thickness of one's thumb, with such
additions regarding steam and the origin of its appli-
cation ; and should any one feel a desire to see it, without
fail Mr. Alfred North will let them have a copy."
The remarks of our autobiographer on the Americans
are truly arcadian, and it strikes me that they are some-
what affected, as so intelligent a nature could not have
but observed the numerous American ships and sailors
that frequented the harbour of Singapore. The South-
ern States of America, such as Maryland and Virginia,
etc., were no doubt penal ones, but the missionaries
were apparently from the north. With all the false
information previously instilled into him, Abdulla's
surprise must have been agreeable on meeting such a
refined and accomplished people. It must be noticed
that Abdulla's strongest impressions would be when he
was most apt to receive them, and this would be when
308 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the bitter war of 1812 was raging between the two
kindred peoples.
In the account of primeval America, the term Jakun
as representing the American Indians is well chosen to
save Abdulla's own feelings, though between the two
races there is little of resemblance ; the Jakuns being
particularly mild, retiring, and timid. The subject of
convicts would, no doubt, be a disagreeable one to his
new friends, and they seem to have eluded it by giving
part of the history of their own States only. Bombay is
to the Malay what Botany Bay is to the English, or
what the American plantations were ; yet no intelligent
person, European or Asiatic, would brand all in-
habitants of these countries with convictism. Abdulla's
remarks show how slow false impressions are got rid of,
and his solution of the difficulty is admirable. It is
pleasant to see how high an admiration he conceived for
Mr. Alfred North, a gentleman I have often seen, but
never had the pleasure of speaking to, — he, of all Abdulla's
disciples, seems to have acquitted himself best to the
native gurus satisfaction.
It is at the same time disagreeable to consider that
the missionary tactics of Protestantism, when opposed to
other subtle faiths, are not calculated to dive into native
sympathies. Nor is this the fault of Protestantism. Its
very purity and excellence makes it jar with native bias
and propensities ; they therefore either reject it or
remain perfectly obtuse and indifferent. As long as
Protestant missionaries marry * their own country-
women, and avoid connection with the inner households
of the natives, for whose interests, spiritual and temporal,
they essay to give up all, there is only one course open
to them, and that course they have invariably adopted.
* The Romanists have the total abstainer's excuse to escape the
accusation of unsociality and want of real interest.
MISSIONARIES AND THEIR WANT OF SUCCESS. 300
They have practically taught Materialism, and little
of faith. Of this teaching we have inadvertently, on the
part of our autobiographer, a lucid exemplification, and
its ultimate results on the native mind I question.
His voyage along the east coast of the Malay Penin-
sula was not without its dangers from pirates, the
formidable Illanuns being then rife, till squashed by
Congelton. I have not seen the copy of the Sijara
Malaya printed by North, mine being a manuscript one,
containing thirty-eight annals. Dr. Leyden's copy
appears to have had only thirty-three.
During Abdulla's illness Mr. North appears to have
acted somewhat selfishly ; or was Abdulla only extolling
his own usefulness, and thus bringing a reflection un-
consciously on his friend ?
His own death-scene is admirably drawn: pen, ink,
and paper to the last, habit is second nature. And how
alarmed was his wife at the sight of them ! The descrip-
tion shows how a Mahomedan can die. Are the highly-
wrought up and gloomy pictures of our own clergy of
death altogether honest ? May not moral torture be as
horrible as the application of the rack ? And how many
are there not who are addicted to this, in the supposed
interests of their various sects, and gentlewomen pro-
bably more so than others. 0 Christian, let thy death-
bed be soothed alone by thine own thoughts, and not
disturbed by the false declamations of others of God's
unmercy !
But at the age of forty-six our autobiographer was to
lose his life companion, in whom he delighted, and we
read with respect the tender remarks on the affliction.
There was no mock sorrow here. The simile used of
drowning on dry land is a forcible one, and expressive of
protracted sorrow and suffering till death should deliver
him also. The sentiments are worthy of the highest of
810 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
our race, and proclaim that Eastern peoples also have a
household guarded by love, morality, and honour. His
lamentations now vie in sublimity with those of Job.
Both were Eastern, and hence the similarity of expres-
sion. In his after doings he pursues the path of a mind
weighted by bereavement, and at length seeks allevia-
tion by change of scene.
On returning to his duties with the missionaries, he
assisted them in compiling books of prayer, the " Life of
Jesus," and other religious publications. For a profess-
ing Mahomedan to do this often struck the Europeans, as
well as natives, as being inconsistent, and I, amongst
others, entered into conversation with him on the point.
To my questions he had full and ready answers, and the
following will give some idea of the position he assumed : —
He held that the labours of the missionaries were un-
questionably devoted to good works, and for this cause
alone would he be an earnest helper, more especially as
his convictions had much in common. Further, that it
was consistent with his religion to believe that Christ
was the greatest of the prophets, though Mahomed
was the last. Turning to the translation of the New
Testament in which he assisted, he would open it at the
sermon on the mount, and read several verses, such as —
" Blessed are the poor in spirit : for theirs is the kingdom
of heaven." "Blessed are they which do hunger and
thirst after righteousness : for they shall be filled."
" Blessed are the pure in heart : for they shall see God."
" And if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast
it from thee : for it is profitable for thee that one of thy
members should perish, and not that thy whole body
should be cast into hell." " Give to him that asketh thee,
and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou
away." " Love your enemies, and bless them that curse
you." He would add, " This teaching was truly directed
CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMEDANISM.
311
by God, because it is above men's power." Then, turning
to the thirteenth chapter, 1st Corinthians, he would read,
" Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels,
and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass, or
a tinkling cymbal. And though I have the gift of
prophecy, and understand all mysteries, and all know-
ledge; and though I have all faith, so that I could
remove mountains, and have not charity, 1 am nothing,"
etc. He would conclude by remarking, "Here we
acknowledge that to be most beautiful which we so little
practise, because the one is God-like and the other man-
like. Here, and generally, then, I believe in the inspira-
tion of the New Testament ; but there are parts where the
last prophet has given us a new dispensation. For
instance, turning to Romans viii. 14, 17, it says, « For as
many as are led by the spirit of God, they are the sons of
God. And if children, then heirs ; heirs of God, and
joint heirs with Christ.' And again, in Galatians iii. 26,
' For ye are all the children of God by faith in Christ
Jesus.' This makes man a part of the Divine essence,
which is contrary to our doctrines — mankind being one
species of the created intelligent beings, which are angels,
genii, and men ; man being of earth, and, with the others,
a mere creature or slave. Then, turning to Romans vi.
23, we find this said, ' For the wages of sin is death : but
the gift of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ our
Lord.' Now, we do not believe that the soul dies, but that
it is punished hereafter ; we believe that there will be a
general resurrection and judgment, with rewards and
punishments — the former being eternal, the latter not
eternal, but for a time, according to guilt. Again, turning
to St. John i. 1, 14, 17, we have, ' In the beginning was
the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word
was God. And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt
among us (and we beheld His glory, the glcry as of
312 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
the only begotten of the Father), full of grace and truth.
For the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth
came by Jesus Christ.' Again, iii. 16, ' For God so
loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son,
that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but
have everlasting life.' This makes Christ the Son of
God, while we only believe Him to be a prophet ; indeed,
the greatest of prophets. The initial point of our belief
is, in fact, this : ' There is no Deity but God. Mahomed
is God's apostle.' "
To this I replied that a sect of Christians held the
same belief, rejecting Mahomed, and that there was once
a great schism in the Church on the same subject, called
the Arian heresy. I added that the modem sect of
Unitarian Christians had rationalistic tendencies, and
thus unduly ignored faith, but that, in my judgment,
to ignore the latter was impossible ; for, however far the
sphere of reason extended, yet the unexplored regions
of faith outreached it, man's capacity being limited. On
this the following dialogue ensued. The Trinity had
evidently been a frequent subject of discussion between
him and the missionaries and their helpers.
He. It requires little reason to see that it would be
utterly impossible that a mere man could be equal to the
Creator of the universe.
/. As possible as that Mahomed could be the sole
mouthpiece of God to the whole universe.
He. Mahomed was God's prophet only.
/. Christ was God's son only : by faith we see this.
He. But how can you compress what is equal to all
creation into a mere atom of existence ?
i". How can you compress the whole landscape before
us of Johore, Bulang, and all the islands of the Straits,
with the merchants' houses, with that little eye of yours ?
It is through that eye you see them all; so it is through
CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMEDANISM. 313
Christ's spirit we see God. To you there would be no
landscape without the little eye. But, more wonderful to
tell, it is only by the pencils of light passing through
an infinitely small focus that you see these extensive
objects, reaching even to the stars ; and again, were
the focus not infinitely small, the landscape and the
sky beyond would be but a hazy mass, without form
and void. Thus you see an infinitely great through
what is infinitely small, paradoxical as this may appear.
Christ, the man, was therefore as the motamentum of
time, or the focus of sight; it is His spirit that lives, and
suffuses the world to all eternity.
He. You diverge to one of the least difficulties ; how
in all reason can one equal three, and three one ?
/. An apparent paradox, but reducible by science
and logic.
He. How?
I. Let us begin at the foundation then. Can you
prove that there is a God ?
He. That is so apparent it requires no argument.
I. Agreed. Then God is a Spirit, infinite, eternal,
and unchangeable in His being, wisdom, power, holi-
ness, justice, goodness, and truth.
He. God is without beginning or end, the sole Creator
and Lord of the universe, having absolute power and
knowledge, and glory and perfection.
/. Agreed. But there are three persons in the God-
head : the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
He. I deny this.
I. But you believe in a God, who is eternal ; so also
you must believe the other.
He. How?
I. To us the Trinity in Unity is proved in various
parts of our Bible, which I need not quote to you as
a Mahomedan, only to say that this principle is given :
314 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
that the Son was of the Father, and the Holy Ghost
followed both. (See St. John xiv. 16, 26.) Now take
God in any of His attributes— for we can only reach
Him through these— say, of eternal time, almightiness,
omniscience, glory, or perfection.
He. Well, take eternal time.
I. Good. Then you will admit that one eternal time
includes time before, time present, and time after ; time
before eternal, time present eternal, time after eternal ;
time before from infinite ages, time after to infinite
ages, time present of no duration ; always flitting yet
ever present, from the no beginning of time before to the
no ending of time after ; one time infinite, yet three infi-
nites ; time present, as the Son, infinitely small, yet
through whom or which alone we can perceive time
before, or the attributes of the Father, from infinite ages,
and time after, or the attributes of the Holy Ghost, to
infinite ages. Also, because time present has no duration,
so time before and time after are one and the same time.
So likewise take any other eternal attributes of God,
such as unchangeableness, wisdom, holiness, justice,
goodness, and truth. All these, being eternal from all
time to all time, have three heads, or else there was no
time and no God. The result is inevitable.
But to be more precise, let us take such parts as are
necessary to our argument from the most rigid of the
Creeds, viz., that of Athanasius : —
The Catholick faith is this : That we worship one God
in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity.
There is one Person of the Father, another of the Son,
and another of the Holy Ghost.
But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost, is all one: the Glory equal, the Majesty
co-eternal.
The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy
Ghost eternal.
CHRISTIANITY AND MAnOMEDANISM. 315
And yet they are not three eternals : but one eternal.
So there is one Father, not three Fathers ; one Son,
not three Sons ; one Holy Ghost, not three Holy Ghosts.
And in this Trinity none is afore, nor after other :
none is greater, or less than another.
The belief, therefore, in the Unity of a God existing to
all time leads, perforce, to the belief in a Trinity in
Unity. And take any of the other attributes, say power
or glory, — omnipotent and everlasting power must have
power before, power present, power after ; the power
present apparent, but infinitely minute, yet ever present,
so co-equal with the other two, and so it is in the same
manner with glory. Thus, take the attributes of God as
respects their omnipresence, we have glory external,
glory internal, and glory apparent through the infinitely
minute junction of the two ; and yet not three glories,
but one glory.
But it was easy to be seen that he had not followed
me in my argument ; his gaze, usually intelligent and
bright, was stolid and vacant. It was evident here that
reason, such as it was, would not do it ; feeling might
move him, but this even would have to be supported by
self-interest : such is human nature as we find it.*
I would then ask him what became of unbelievers. To
this he would reply, that the reply of the Imaums
(priests) would be that they would go to hell ; but
amongst laymen, such as himself, opinions were very
various, according to constitution, education, and dis-
position. For himself, he had seen too much good in
the holders of other faiths to condemn them. "For
instance, it would be absurd to say that the Eevs.
Dr. Morrison and Milne went to hell because they did
* It is to be here remarked that I had many coi vcrsat.ions on those
Bnbjects, and I only pretend to give the tenor of ihem to the best of
my recollection.
816 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
not believe in Mahomed ; but the priesthood and women
will not agree to my sentiments, nor dare I press them
amongst my own co-religionists. They are fenced about
by a boundary of ignorance, which I have passed
through. This, they say, has undermined my faith ;
yet you know I adhere to it only with conditions of
greater humanity, greater preception of the great good-
ness of the Almighty, creator of heaven and earth, and
all creatures and things. I thus the more appreciate
His all-seeing love and benevolent justice. If we look
into the garden, we see the rose, the lily, the daisy,
the primrose, the violet, and other flowers, all with their
various shades, colours, forms, and aromas ; then why
should the rose say that the lily and other plants went
to hell because they differed from it, when really it is
their very variety that makes this earth a paradise, and
enables man to rejoice in it ? God made this variety,
so he rejoices in all. So I let them have their say, and
hold my own opinion, though I cannot be so free to
them as I am to you. In fact, women are made up of
soft love and sentiment in equal proportions, and men of
hard facts and experience ; and when nature divided
humanity into two sexes, her plan was eccentric, for
she overweighted the balance of capacity and under-
standing on man's side two-tenths. In order to put
things right again, she has been forced to extract the
priesthood from the male side, and hence the Levitical
Law of giving one-tenth to this order. And," he added,
" it would be well if this would content them." " Then,"
said I, " you feel in your religion a sort of compact between
the priests and women against the men." "Yes," said
he, "this is only too observable, and we sometimes kick
against their government, but it is all to no purpose ;
they together always carry the day, in the long run ;
When a man gets sick, then is the woman's chance to
CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMEDANISM. 317
manage and to take it out of him — and the priest's, too,"
he added, with a gasp. " That comes of your priests
and women not being so humane as ours," said I.
"Perhaps," I added after a pause, " your system of poly-
gamy may have something to do with this state of
affairs." " If you tell the truth," he retorted, " it is the
same with yourselves ; polygamy is the most benign of
institutions, more favourable to the woman than to the
man. In Mahomedan countries no woman will be
without a legal protector sanctioned by her religion.
In Christian countries 1 am told the reverse is the case,
and that not thousands, nor tens of thousands, but
hundreds of thousands of depraved women strew the
streets. Your law gives no rights to the woman : ours is
most careful in protecting her property, and vesting it in
her." " It may be a choice between two evils, after all,"
I suggested: "sanctity to the private family, against
the profanation of the public thoroughfares." " Judge
for yourself," said he, "and take for your example the
streets of Singapore, whose government is a Christian
one. Has it never struck you how many miserable
squalid women, and men too, sit moping at the corners,
and lie in the open verandahs, absolutely rotting by
inches ; the flesh dropping from their faces, and their
very bones rotting ? Yet you would go against a
system of social economy that would ameliorate, if not
entirely do away with such a state of things." "And
generate even worse, a crime unmentionable," added I,
byway of argument. "Then cut that people from off
the face of the earth ! " cried he, with vehemence.
Thus the conversation could go on no longer in such
a strain. It was a war of principles, in which there
could be no compromise ; as the sirocco against the
north wind, one must bear the other down.
And we are now led on to the next subject, his wrang-
318 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
lings with the Christian missionaries ; and here we
perceive that it was not altogether in respect to the cor-
rection of the Malay language and literature that these
contentions tools place, and hence the necessity, if
missionary effort is to be continued in that direction,
that any translation of the Scriptures should only be
intrusted to a competent native Christian, acquainted
with the genius of the people and their peculiarities
of expression. There are refined turns of words and
sentences in all languages, indicating certain mean-
ings, which none but natives can detect or explain.*
Thus we see Abdulla objecting to the expression mulut
Allah, i.e. the mouth of God. He, as a Mahomedan,
ignoring the Divine essence in man, would think it too
absurd to attribute a part of a man or a beast to God,
and so would not allow even of the figure of speech.
Here, then, there was no quarrel of grammar, but a
quarrel of religion! Again, this is more seen in the
expression anak Allah, i.e. the Son of God. He, as a
Mahomedan, would never admit that God had a son.
Again, iang ada dc shurga, i.e. who is in heaven. This
would be quite an unmeaning phrase to him, whose
ideas of heaven are as follows : — That there are seven of
them ; the first formed of emerald, the second of white
silver, the third of pearls, the fourth of ruby, the fifth of
red gold, the sixth of yellow jacinth, and the seventh of
shining light. Some assert that paradise is in the
seventh heaven, which consists of seven stages, one
above another ; the first the mansion of glory, the second
the mansion of peace, the third the garden of rest, the
fourth the garden of eternity, the fifth the garden of
delight, the sixth the garden of paradise, and the seventh
* A?, for instance, during onr occupation of Java, an order was sent to
a Dutch official to suspend a defaulter, and he actually went and hung
him — suspend in the dictionary meaning to hang.
CHRISTIANITY AND MAHOMEDANISM. 319
the garden of perpetual abode, or Eden. So also, in
regard to hell, be would believe that there are seven
stories of earths : the occupants of the first being men,
genii, and brutes ; the second occupied by a suffocating
wind, the third by the stones of hell, the fourth by
sulphur, the fifth by serpents, the sixth by scorpions,
and the seventh by the devil and his troops, or imps.*
Thus heaven and hell would have to him different signifi-
cations to those generally accepted by Christians, and
his rendering of the English into Malay would not
convey the meaning of his employers. Consequently he
gave in to such learned men as North and Stronock with
reluctance.
And here I may remark on another objection in the
employment of Arabic terms in a Christian Bible, as not
conveying the meaning intended, and thus doing an
injury to the cause whose interests are at stake. For
instance, God is translated into Allah, which I have
shown above is not the Being intended by Christians,
but that intended by Arabs, who hold that He does not
suffuse His essence in man. Further, it is not the
primitive term, which amongst the Orang Benua, or
original Malays, is Periman ; nor is it that which would
precede Mahomedanism, which would be Hindoo, viz.
Khoda. Thus, in translating a Christian Bible, would it
not have been better to have used the word God ? On
the same principle, Abdulla himself admitted that it was
better to render John the Baptist as near as the Malay
tongue would allow, viz. Jahiah Baptista, as the
language has no term for the name. Again, Holy Ghost
is rendered Ruhu-l-kudus ; angels, mala i hat ; devil,
Ibices; heaven, sJiurga ; hell, jehcnam, or the Hindoo
naraha. Now. all these have a different meaning placed
on them to what Christians are accustomed, so if the
* See Lane.
320 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
Malay had not analogous words, why go to Arabic or
Hindoo for words with wrong conceptions attached to
them ? Again, why should in such cases the English
words not have been used, as was the case in the trans-
lations of the Latin and Greek originals into English ?
Here, then, in a very material point, have the missionaries
been misled by the employment of a Mahomedan guru.
The safest course would have been not to have attempted
translations till a Christian guru had been secured for
the work. But I find no fault with Abdulla for this ; I
believe he did his best according to his light, and that
he was sincerely desirous to do his best conscientiously.
But the Malay is now written in the Jawi or mixed
Arabic characters ; no doubt it is, or has been, written in
one of the Hindoo or Javanese alphabets also. Its
system of orthography, besides being very imperfect, as
will be seen by reference to Appendix III., is also very
unsettled. For instance, in comparing the Malay
Annals with Marsden, whose guru was Abdulla's father,
we find the following discrepancies, amongst many
others, in common words : —
Malay Annals.
Marsden's I
Adil
Jjjlc
JjU
Ulih
ajjjl
4,1
Bulih
t-Ayi
*L
Paduka
lXjj
lJ^xS
Lagi
fJA
<is
Baginia
Ci^jJo
\^jS[i
Pergi
4»
4i
Pahang
£U
Further, it is only one in a thousand of the popula-
MALAY LITERATURE. 321
tion who can read in the above character, as Abdulla him-
self informs us. Then why not use the Roman alphabet,
which is so much its superior in every respect, so easily
acquired by youths, and therefore so apt to be adopted,
being also the letters of the ruling race? To teach the
Jawi is, in fact, neither more nor less than aiding the
propagation of Arabic literature, and with it Arabic
religion and influence,— this at the expense of British
Christians, the supporters of the London Mission Society.
To so intelligent and inquiring a mind as that of
Abdulla, the visit to the steamship must have been full
of interest. I remember seeing his little book upon it.
What has not science done since then? Steam is a
dispersive power, and how is it not dispersing mankind
all over the world, melting down even national pre-
judices, and mixing together the most virulently
opponent sects, colours, and races. It also seems to
have its mission, and its effects on the social systems
will from year to year become more apparent.
322 HA.KAYIT AJBDUIiLA.
CONCLUDING EEMAEKS.
From the translations we may gather some inklings of
the feelings and ideas of a Mahomedan native of India,
of the more advanced type. His co-religionists number
probably about 30,000,000 ; so perforce of this, as well
as the intrinsic merit of his opinions, they are deserving
of careful and candid consideration. There are very
many wealthy Mahomedans in India, but Abdulla was
not of these, his bias being a literary one, — riches for
their own sake appeared to be of little consequence in
his eyes. Yet from this very fact he was in a position
to comment on matters openly as he found them. It
will be seen that he equally animadverts on the faults of
European and native rulers, the former for their avarice,
the latter for their lasciviousness. In his latter years he
rises almost to the standard of a prophet.
While he remained attached to the faith of his an-
cestors, it is plainly apparent that knowledge of another
religious system had broken down his prejudices, nay,
even had enlisted his sympathies. On this account he
had incurred the displeasure of his neighbours for
latitudinarianism.
In early youth we see him drinking from the fountain
of knowledge and good morals supplied by the pioneer
members of the London Mission Society at Malacca,
and in early manhood his close contact with a mind
THE INFLUENCE OF NATIVE INTELLIGENCE IX THE EAST. 323
like that of Sir Stamford Raffles had inculcated
humanity in its most benign phases; and thus he went
on through the labours of life buoyantly for the most
part, supported by his love of letters, and working in the
peculiar departments intrusted to him. He seemed
never to be desirous of undue gain — neglecting the
future ; as he expresses himself, never catching water
while the rain poured. Yet we see him hopeful and
energetic to the last, though his gains in the best
period of his life would not exceed £150 a year, and
latterly, probably not X'60. Yet of such men are, politic-
ally, the most important section of our Indian fellow-
subjects composed. I have known Hindoos of very much
the same cast of mind, whose good qualities it is the
part of a beneficent government to nurture, that the bad,
forbidding, and inhumane may be subdued. No doubt
their co-religionists are by far the greatest part sunk in
superstition and ignorance. This fact the more tends to
increase the power and influence of the intelligent — a
power and influence that no Christian or European
could presume to hold. Hence the vast mass of natives
can only be moved at second-hand.
European governments, in subduing tropical peoples,
have the climate against them. The people them-
selves may be humble, obedient, and teachable ; but the
European agency, labouring in a climate subversive of
their health and constitutions, is necessarily very costly.
Thus we see strong contrasts of position — the natives
subsisting on mere pittances ; the Europeans requiring
all luxuries, and means to obtain them, to support their
energy and efficiency. This cannot but be a source of
dissatisfaction to the governed; and we see Abdulla
slightly touches on this point, though, as he wrote for the
information of Europeans as well as for natives, his
remarks are cautious and unobstrusive.
324 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Again, there are the differences of colour, constitution,
and moral and physical nature in the two peoples brought
together; the two governments with which Abdulla
came in contact, viz. the English and the Dutch, being
virtually democratic, while the natives of the tropics
tend to autocracy or a patriarchical system. Further,
the agents of these governments, in the shape of the
servants of the East India Companies, were, more
especially in their early periods, derived from an ex-
treme levelling stratum of society, viz. city tradesmen.
Thus we have instances of utter callousness to the habits,
prejudices, and time-honoured institutions of their tropical
subjects. The case of the Dutch burying the remains of
Raja Hajie (if true) in a pig-sty is one instance ; that of
the Resident of Singapore breaking down the walls of the
Sultan's court, passing streets through it, and jostling
the corners of the very mosque, is another. These acts
of privileged sons of grocers and tea-dealers contrast
badly with the eminent grace, condescension, and delicate
urbanity of English genius in its highest phase, as noticed
by Abdulla in the act of a member of the upper stratum
of the nation, viz. Lord Minto. To a people whose
social and political proclivities are in favour of princely
government, the doings of the former were obnoxious in
the extreme, and calculated to call forth their inward exe-
crations ; while the doings of the latter had the most
benign result on the affections of the people, and which
even to this day are remembered and recounted.
Again, the moral standards of a tropical people are
precisely the opposite to our own in regard to slavery
and polygamy. The differences are irreconcilable and
never to be fully adjusted, whatever mutual concession
may do. On these subjects their nervous system is less
delicately strung, so they do not see as we see. And here
we see how apt the tropical native is in apparent con-
THE SLAVE TRADE.
325
cession to the bent of his master, though he irrevocably
reserves his own judgment. This is characteristically
shown in Abdulla's account of the Singapore slave trade
(which is supposed to be repressed). Whether his account
is in good faith or in irony, it is difficult to decide, his
words and sentences are so well balanced. Yet the result
of that trade he demonstrates most clearly to have been
most advantageous to the subjects themselves ; they, in
his account, having obtained by their transportation much
more favourable settlements than they could have ever
expected in their native homes. And here an old rule of
philosophy tells the cause. That which is vacant must
be replenished : nature abhors a vacuum. Women were
the most crying want of a settlement composed almost
entirely of males, and trade alleviated the want in its
own rude, unfeeling, and mercenary way; but evil is
always balanced by good, so good came out of evil.
When people do not and will not work for wages, it is
impossible to convince the stronger or more powerful
that they must go without forced help from the males,
or forced compliance with their desires from the females.
No doubt it is very wrong in European eyes; but we
state facts as they are, and not as they ought to be in
our notions. Here, again, we revert to Abdulla's lifelike
description of one of the dilemmas occasioned by the
encounter of opposite sentiments, and we also perceive
that his words are so well chosen, that his sarcasm can
only be detected by the experienced. In this case, the
Malay Sultan, relying on the faith of the promise of his
white friends, had remained in the territory he had made
over to the British. On this the females of his harem
bolt from him, and he applies to the President to send
them back. To native ideas, nothing would have been
more proper than that this should be effected. But no ;
his Majesty is bluffly told that on British soil his harem
326 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
is free. And in the result as related, we see the sarcasm
of our autobiographer, who tells us that some went to
the policemen, some to the Europeans, hither and
thither, where they could get maintenance. Hence, the
moral objects of the regenerating Resident were defeated ;
for libertinism, which had previously been confined
within the four walls of the palace, was now allowed to
run wild and rampant all over the settlement. It is in
such a manner that the measures of temporal and spirit-
ual regenerators miscarry, in ways utterly unforeseen,
and by devious courses unpremeditated.
And, considering the mighty efforts of England in the
suppression of the slave trade of Africa, have the results
been satisfactory ? This can only be answered by one
who is competent, from experience, to say that the misery
of Africa, within her own borders, is not now greater than
when she had an outlet for her superabundant progeny.
We know how cheaply life is held in the estimation of
her native potentates, and how lavishly blood flows on
slight occasions. But I am not an advocate for the
white man's use of the black man's slave labour, as I
am convinced that it is the former that suffers most
by far from the contact.
Abdulla came personally in contact with the offshoots
of two European nations, viz. the English and the
Dutch ; and, to show how far he was guided, in his love
to the former, and antipathy to the latter, by sentiment,
or by mere love of gain, we must revert to his expres-
sions on the return of the Dutch to take possession of
his native town. His accomplishments as an English
linguist had been gained by much time and pains — these
were his merchandise ; and now, to his sorrow, by the
return of another white race, he felt he would have no
further sale for his wares. How far his prejudices in
favour of or against one or the other were well grounded,
GOVERNMENT UNDER ENGLISH AND DUTCH COMPANIES. 327
it is impossible for an Englishman to judge correctly ;
but, as Singapore forms a good standpoint from whence
to scan the different systems of administration of the
two Indies, a cursory review of these will not be in-
appropriate. Up to the period of which I am writing,
both were carried on by corporations, to all intents
irresponsible to their respective nations. The patronage
of appointments were close monopolies, under which
this paradox grewout-that the servants were practically
masters, voting their own salaries and the salaries of
their protegees, which varied from £800 to £10,000 a
year, and looking with the greatest jealousy on the
employment of any of their own countrymen, whom they
occasionally engaged at mere pittances Governments
in such hands could not be expected to be other-
wise than contracted, selfish, and unnational in their
tendencies ; and, though since then appointments have
been gained by competition, yet this is a mere apologetic
expedient in answer to what ought to be. Practical arts,
certainly, may be judged of by competition, such as
painting, sculpture, mechanism, etc., but morality,
humanity, and sagacity cannot ; and these are what are
wanted for the service of India more than m any other
part of the world. Thus, I opine that the leaders of the
nation, in denuding themselves of the right of selection
(be it after competent examination), have shirked a
responsibility that cannot be disconnected from them
But, after all, why should India now be a mystery ? And
if not, why perpetuate an anomaly in the support of the
worst form of bureaucracy, which has no precedent else-
• where ? The greatest similitude that we know of was
in the Portuguese mission of the Amazon, where the
priesthood, having a monopoly of the country, treated
the outside world with the greatest jealousy. This is
lucidly portrayed by Humboldt. It is strange to see a
328 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
secular corporation following religious exclusiveness bo
narrowly. Why should not British statesmanship be
more liberally applied to the administration of the affairs
of India. Why should not men experienced in the
world-wide social and political movements, as learnt in
England, in a great measure displace the narrow-
minded, perverted, and jaundiced superintending nose-
grinders, termed members of the Civil Service, whose
real capacity entitles them, for the most part, only to
perform routine duty; beyond which, from their very
recluseness, they cannot expand their visions and see
the movements that are abroad ? It was these that were
caught, as the revellers of Babylon were by Cyrus, in
blank ignorance of the all-pervading disaffection that
nurtured and brought into existence the great sepoy
rebellion of 1857. With more expansive governmental
machinery, this ought not to have occurred.
And this fact must not be lost sight of — that India is
not now in a state of turmoil, when one race could be
pitched against another ; the natives are, with the peace,
rapidly accumulating wealth, and with wealth the power
that it gives them. Hence the rule of the British
cannot stand always as an uncompromising one, but
measures must be initiated to meet the various exi-
gencies created by the change. It is wrong to think
that all the natives take no interest in political events.
The story of Abdulla is an example to the contrary, and
I have always found intelligent and wealthy natives
surprisingly shrewd in their remarks on the powers
above them ; thus they, by degrees, should be taught
to bear the burdens of the public service, according to
their intelligence and uprightness. Their service as
assessors would be invaluable in cases affecting the
rights and troubles of their fellows.* No doubt much
* The Madras Supreme Court, by its expensive proceedings, ruined
the most wealthy native families. This was also the case at Penang.
WANT OF SYMPATHY BETWEEN EUROPEANS AND NATIVES. 329
has been effected in this direction since I had oppor-
tunities of seeing for myself, but, as observed of the
general condition of the people, it was by fear alone
that they were moved. There was no love and no
common sympathy between them and the European
ruler. Thus our motives were misunderstood, and our
very sacred acts belied, as witness the St. Andrew's
Church calumnies described by Abdulla. This per-
turbation about the same subject took place at three
different times to my knowledge, evincing how little the
Europeans have gained the intelligent understanding or
trust of the great mass of their native population.
Then, is the burden of the English Government a
heavy one ? It cannot be said so, for we have the follow-
ing facts from the latest statistics I am able to refer to
in this distant part of the world : — Hindostan pays taxes
at 4s. per head ; Java, 12s. ; yet the former has been
in a state of intermittent rebellion for ages, — the latter
has been quiet and prosperous since the war of Diepo
Nigoro, in 1828. And, proceeding to small matters, in
the localities of which Abdulla treats, in which the same
principle holds good as in great : Penang pays 3s. 3d.
only, and has triennial rebellions; Malacca, 6s. 10d.,
and has sexennial rebellions; Singapore pays 15s., and is
the most loyal settlement of the three ; while Nanning,
which paid only one-eighth of a penny per head, became
so rebellious, that her 5,000 men, women, and children
defied the whole strength of the British Indian Govern-
ment, who spent 2,000,000 of rupees in warlike expedi-
tions before they were persuaded to settle down quietly
again. Then it does not appear that light taxation
attaches a native population, but the contrary, and this
is an anomaly which I will try to explain. It is the
same with Europeans. New Zealand, the most burdened
colony in the world, is yet the most loyal ; her taxation
330 HAKATIT ABDULLA.
being thirty-six times heavier than that of India. And
why should this be ? Simply because there is most
advancement, most stirring, most attention to public
•works, most work for the people, most wages, most
savings, most taxable material. And what maintains
this loyalty '? The high intelligence of her government,
and the support and interest of the people. Then what
made Nanning, the lightest taxed community in the
British dominions, so rebellious? The unintelligent nature
of her rulers, a closed Civil Service, and the neglect of
works calculated to advance the material comfort and
wealth of her people. Human nature is the same all
the world over. Then, again, the question arises, Why
should Java, a Dutch possession, be so much more quiet
than Hindostan, a British possession, and yet pay three
times the taxes ? No other answer can be given than
that this anomaly is due to a more intelligent adminis-
tration by a less pampered Civil Service, on whom there
is greater scrutiny exercised by the home authorities of
the Netherlands — a safeguard and influence thus exciting
to duty, that has been exercised over their paid civil
servants in all the various branches, judicial, land
revenue, agriculture, etc., etc. Further, this scrutiny
has tended to the amelioration of the condition of the
people, by engaging them in reproductive works, such
as plantations and agriculture, etc., in which all grades
of natives have done their parts, according to their
several positions — the rajas, Pengerans, Pengulus, etc.,
supervising and encouraging ; the ryots doing the manual
work, according to their different trades — and, through
this activity, aD benefiting in the ratio of their rights and
deserts. Thus an intelligence and sympathy has been
generated in the interests of advancement that is wholly
wanting in British India, unless through the unregu-
lated and weak exertions in these latter years of private
TIIE FUTURE OF THE TWO INDIES. 331
enterprise. The case amounts to this : The Javanese and
Hindoos may be placed on a par as to their producing
powers. Then, as the former pay in taxes twelve shillings,
and the latter four shillings a head, in Hindostan eight
shillings a head goes to buy powder, shot, and warlike
material to carry on rebellion from time to time. But
a closed or a competitive Civil Service, holding the reins
of government, will be too blind to see this ; so it is full
time that more home statesmanship should be employed
in the internal affairs of our possessions. The reduction
of the pride and arrogance of irresponsible officialism
would, at the same time, tend greatly to encourage
loyalty in her native subjects, towards her Majesty the
Empress of India.
But, as I have observed before, there is an element in
European states that tends to destroy native activity,
and consequently native productiveness. This is the
democratic phase which is now almost supreme. In the
United States of America it has made the whites and
blacks change places ; and those drawings which we see
in the Illustrated London News, of the Sambos and
Dinahs lolling on the velvet cushions and sofas,
drumming on the harps and pianos of their late masters
and mistresses, must be highly satisfactory to that
faction, unnatural as it may appear to outside lookers-
on. And so will it be with the two Indies ; if they be
long enough undisturbed by other powerful nations, it
is a force emanating from England and Holland them-
selves that will turn the native populations against
their white governments, reducing the blacks to idleness
and the whites to beggary. If let alone, the local
governments would work out a system suitable to the
respective conditions of both colours. But the Democrats
and Radicals, who actually are the more domineering
portion of the respective European nations, will not see
832 HAKATIT ABDULLA.
this, and so they will apply measures suitable in their
own cases to opposite conditions, and thus overturn and
destroy.
And, under these considerations, we see greater risk
in Hindostan than in Java, from the freedom and
license of the native press, which does not exist in the
latter. Metcalfe gave a free press to British India —
a questionable gift, when we consider the disorganizing
elements at work. It is only a strongly moral and
intellectual people, who have room for expansion, that
can beneficially make use of this power. A weak and
licentious people cannot, so in them the power must be
abused ; and this we see in the rubbish and grossly
licentious productions circulated amongst the lower
orders in Calcutta. That the whites and blacks should
ever amalgamate is what nature never intended ; they
are in opposition as much as the opposite poles of the
magnet. It is a favourite theory with amiable theorists,
who have no responsibility, and are far distant from the
scenes and subjects on which they comment, and of
which they have no actual knowledge, to say that the
white man and black man are equal. But, on being
tested, these only betray their own selfishness, presump-
tion, and ignorance ; for they spurn practical equality,
when brought home to themselves, in their families. So,
where European governments have taken possession of
tropical countries, that possession is only sure while the
whites have the master keys, socially and politically.
To be under another condition would be mere madness,
but this is what the white democrats drive at. The
whites' position, on the contrary, is to command, the
blacks to obey ; and if that obedience is exacted in a
humane manner, the mission is fulfilled as nature's
God had ordered it.
We therefore now come to the Dutch corvee, or forced
FORCED LABOUR. 333
labour in Java, and this leads us first to question the
occupation of tropical countries by northern nations.
On this there will be great diversities of opinion, accord-
ing to the ever-varying ^abits of thought induced by
education, national bias, and position in society in
general. Suffice it to say that, if the Dutch and English
had not occupied Java and Hindostan respectively, other
rival nations would. After all, therefore, it is the sword
that maintains power. What we have to do with in the
mean time, therefore, is this question, viz., Is the corvee
justified iby our common humanity? The historian
Temminck seems to think so, and the reader must
judge for himself. The Dutch in Java obtain by
coercion, which is not called slavery — an excellent dis-
tinction without a difference, that has happy effects on
the democrats in Holland, as it quiets them — what also
the English Obtain in Hindostan by coercion, through
the offices of the zemindars, though in ratio to much
less extent ; the former proceeding by the public service,
the other by private enterprise. The transactions of
the zemindars and indigo planters with the ryots are
examples of this, and objections will be found to either
Bystem. But we must look at the practical positions.
The governments are, with small exceptions, the pro-
prietors, and the occupiers of the soil will do no more
than merely exist if allowed ; so the support of govern-
ment, if they were left alone, would not fall on them,
but on the people of Holland and Britain. What
then must be done ? They are coerced by government
in Java through the native rajas, by private enterprise
in Bengal through the zemindars ; and is the burden
heavy, objectionable as the system may appear, as
compared with other countries? The soil of England
also originally belonged to the Crown, as that of a greater
part of the colonies does now, but the Crown has parted
334 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
with it and given it to landlords. These stand, there-
fore, in relation to the occupiers as the rajas do to
the ryots ; and what do they exact — £1, £%, £3, and
£4 per acre? One tenant may occupy five hundred
acres, and pay £1000 annually, and there may be one
hundred souls existing on the tenancy; thus £10 is
extracted from each man, woman, and child. And
what do the Javanese pay ? Sixteen shillings ; and the
Hindoos, four shillings. That is, the Javanese, in the
aggregate, are seven and a half times less taxed than
the English, and the Hindoos thirty times less. Thus
this anomaly appears : that conquering nations are the
most oppressed by taxes, the conquered the least ; yet
neither will admit that the other is happy. The white
philanthropist shudders at the oppressions that the
black man never feels ; while the black man would not
change positions with a Sheffield file-cutter or a New-
castle glass-blower were you to promise him paradise
in return ! The one is full of energy, so must and will
thrust himself on the other; while that other is so
apathetic, that he opens his tent (the tent of Shem) in
the evening under the hopes that the son of Japheth may
depart in the morning. Vain hope !
But, say the democrats, true, we have conquered and
tax lightly, yet we will not give up our principles that
all men are equal : these are unchangeable. So give the
Hindoo the franchise, and he will elevate himself to be
our equal. Very well for a Manchester or Glasgow
platform so far away, but do we see the slightest ink-
lings of such thoughts in the autobiography of this
intelligent native of India? No, I say emphatically.
He knew too well that the constitution of his fellow-
subjects inclined them to feel themselves more comfort-
able under a patriarchal government, and that is the
true mission of England to accord — let its spirit be all
THE IGNORANCE AND APATHY OF THE NATIVES OF INDIA. 335
pervadingly benign and humane, but not weak and
blindly indulgent. Abdulla knew too well the very
heterogeneous composition of the population of India,
including as it does many languages, tribes, colours,
castes, and religions, all apathetic as nationalists— as a
mass extremely ignorant, not knowing letters, and bent
down to the dust by gross superstitions. How could
these exercise the franchise in an intelligent manner?
Abdulla himself answers the question when he says,
when talking of the aversion of his countrymen to
change their apathetic habits, and so rise above their
poverty, "Their minds are crowded with the rust of
idleness. On every side to the very last, they become
like unto earth trodden over by all nations." Again, he
ascribes all this " to their contentment with their con-
dition."
This in a few words describes the status of a tropical
population. Hence to thrust upon them, even from
philanthropic motives, the same liberty and the expen-
sive institutions indulged in by northern civilizations
would be absurd. The minds and capacities of the
people would first have to be prepared by artificial
training— a course that would occupy ages, and then I
doubt the power of any statesman to say when our
European political machinery could be applied. Cer-
tainly not till their own energy, knowledge, experience,
and above all, moral force, had equalled ours. But
nature, having divided the world into torrid and tem-
perate and frigid zones, has not yet even given any in-
dications of such a consummation.
Such are the thoughts that my work of translation
has called forth.
As I left Singapore for good in 1855, I lost sight of
Abdulla, but in writing to my old friend and schoolfellow,
Mr. J. R. Logan, editor of the Journal of the Indian
336 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
Archipelago, on or about the year 1865, he informed me
that he had died a few years ago. Thus he had only
attained the age of fifty-eight, or sixty at most ; his auto-
biography having been written when (as already stated)
he was forty-six.
( 837
APPENDICES.
TRANSLATION OF FRONTISPIECE.
" Mr. Milne invited all the Malacca gentry, to the number of
forty or fifty, and these having assembled, each put a dollar
below the threshold of the door (there might have been
seventy or eighty dollars) ; and they all stood round the door
when Mr. Milne struck it, and called out the name of the
house as the ' Anglo-Chinese College,' by which name it has
since been called. This done, all returned to their homes.
The house was about one year in building, and when it wa8
finished he removed to it from the old house. As to the old
house, he levelled it to the ground for a lawn. Now, at this
time numerous children of the Chinese, Portuguese, and
Malays were taught at the college, of whom four, five, or even
ten became clever at reading and writing the English lan-
guage. At this time, also, many people began to know how
to speak English ; besides, all the descendants of the Dutch
in Malacca changed their habits, language, and costume —
male and female. All imitated the English. And many
were the times that the gentry asked me to call the Malay
children to learn to read and to write, either in Malay or
z
838 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
English ; but they would not come, for in their stupidity
they feared that they would be taken by force aud made
English of. So they would not come, as the impression had
got hold of their minds that force would be used to convert
them. I urged them to come numberless times. Besides,
I explained to them that the English had not the remotest
intention of converting them, if they themselves were not
agreeable; but that the object was no other than to teach
them their own language, or the language of the English, as
those acquisitions in after life would greatly facilitate their
earning a livelihood. I argued, To learn accounts — would that
be of no use ? for if they did not learn accounts, how could
they trade, buy, or sell ? Moreover, 1 counselled them in
many ways ; but they slighted my advice. The more I
harangued them, the more they avoided me; for in their
thoughts they said I wished to destroy them. This feeling
arrived at such a pitch, that they conceived in their hearts
a spite against me. So I was silent. They went and warned
my father, requesting him to forbid me to learn the English
language, lest I should fall into English customs, and despise
my own religion. On this my father forbade me, saying,
' I do not like your going to learn the English language and
writing ; for not a single Mahomedan learns these, and many
people say there is something bad in it, and that it tends to
hurt our religion.' Now, when I heard the words of my
father, I considered a while, and asked myself, ' From what
clique does this foolish talk come to my father ? Thus long
has he advised me to perfect myself, and now he is angry
that I have become so.' Then I asked, ' Why does my father
forbid me to learn these things ? ' And he replied, ' Because
many men tell me that harm will come to you by your
following English customs, for they are a race skilled in
gaining influence over the mind of mankind. I am afraid
that harm will come to you by your following their teachings.'
Then I replied, ' Is it not right to follow good customs, and
to cast aside evil habits ; and if from a simpleton I become
learned, would that hurt my peace now ? You, 0 father,
FRONTISPIECE IN ROMAN LETTERS. 339
have listened to the warnings of fools ; they have a spite
against me, because I told their children to learn, rather than
to sit in idleness and nothingness. Would it not be better for
them to learn ? ' Then said my father, ' You are now clever
with your tongue ; I am not able to wrangle with you.
When you were little, I could correct you ; now you are big I
am afraid of you.' To this I replied, ' Let me not be lifted up
thus. Even if I were a prince, if I be wrong, I shall be
amenable to my father's pleasure.' When my fatber heard
this, he went into his room to seek a rattan cane to flog me."
II.
FRONTISPIECE IN ROMAN LETTERS.
" Debawa pintu itu ada satu batu alas pintu itu. Maka adala
kera-kera tujah delapan puloh ringit. Maka samoa-nia orang.
orang itu mendirikan pintu itu serta terdiri maka tampar
ulih Tuan Milne pintu itu serta bertriak-nia nania-nia ruma
itu Anglo-Chinese College. Maka itula menjeddi nama ruma
itu salama-lama-nia. Maka sitella itu masing-masing pun
kambalila. Maka adala kera-kera sataun libbi membachi ruma
itu. Maka sudala lalu eia pun pindala deri ruma lama ka
ruma baru itu. Maka ruma lama itu pun de-rubbahkan
de-jeddikan rata akan halaman baru itu ada-nia. Maka adala
pada zaman itu terlalu ramci anak-anak China dan Nasrani
dan Malayu belajar dalam college. Maka adala juga ampat
lima sampei sapuloh iang menjeddi pandei membacha dan
menulis basa Ingris. Maka deripada katiga itula de Malaka
kabaniakan orang iang tau bertutor Ingris. Maka segala
peranakan Holunda iang dalam Malaka pun samoa-nia tela
menuker hadat hadat-nia dan basa-nia deripada pakian-nia
deripada laki laki dan perum-puan-nia, seklian-nia menurut
Ingris. Adapun bebrapa pulo kali de suroh kan ulih tuan
tuan itu menchari ana-ana Malayu sopaya bulih eia belajar
dan mengtani membacha dan menulis bai basa Malayu bai
840 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
basa Ingris. Maka ulih scbab bodo-nia itu takut nanti
meujeddi Ingris tiadala eia mau datang krana pada sangka-
nia dingan kras nanti de tangkap de masokan Ingris. Maka
bebrapa kali suda akn ingatkan akan marika-itu sorta
merabri tau marika-itu bawa sakali kali tida Ingris itu
hauda memasokan kamu kadolam igama-nia kalan angkan
sindiri tida ridla meleinkan sopaia kamu bulih mengtani basa
kamu dan bulih mengtani basa Ingris kalak deblakung terlalu
bania guna-nia angkan seklian bulih menchari kahidupan
dingan muda-nia dan lagi bulih de-ajarkan-nia elma kera-kera
bukanka berguna kapada kamu seklian kera-kera itu. Maka
jekalan tida tau kera-kera bagimana handa kamu berniaga
joal bili dan lagi bebrapa bania nasihat ku akan marika-itu
tida piga de andakan-nia. Maka terlibeh-libeh aku mengajar
akan deia maka de taroh kan-nia pula champuran akan-d-aku
dalam pikeran-nia aku handa merosakan deia sampei datangla
dinki dalam hati marika-itu akan-d-aku. Maka diem diem
marika-itu piggi mengasut bapaku melarangkan aku jangan
piggi mengajar basa Ingris itu nanti kalak eia menurut
hadat Ingris dan rosa igama. Maka bapaku itupun melarang-
kan akan-d-aku kata-nia aku tida suka angkan piggi belajar
basa Ingris dan surat-nia krana sorong pun orang Islam tida
belajar itu dan bania orang mengatakan pekrejaan itu tida
bai eia-itu merosakan igama kita ada-nia. Maka apobila ku
dingar kan pnkataan bapaku itu maka tundola aku sambi,
berpikir derimassa karangan-nia datang-nia perkataan bodo
ini kapada bapaka. Maka sekian lama-nia de ajar-nia aku
sopaia menjeddi pandei maka sekarang ini marah pula eia
sebab menjeddi pandei. Maka jawab ku apaka sebab-nia bapa
melarangkan saya piggi belajar itu. Maka kata-nia krana
bania orang-orang kata sama ku bawa angkan nanti rosa
sebab menurut hadat Ingris itu krana eia-itu bangsa terlalu
pandei membojok hati orang-aku takut angkan nanti rosa
sebab menurut pengajaran itu. Maka jawab ku bukanka
patut kita menurut hadat iang bai dan memboang hadat iang
jahat maka kalan deripada bodo menjeddi pandei rosaka
nama-nia. Maka bapa meningarkan asutan orang bodo
MALAY SPELLING. 341
Bebab marika-itu menaro dinki kapada saya tagal saya
meniaroh ana-ana belajar deripada dudu dingan chuma-chuma
iang tida bcrpaida bukanka belajar bai. Maka jawab bapakn
angkan snda pandei berchakap sekarang aku tida bulib
terlawan lagi, dchulu angkan kicb.il bulih aku ajar sekarang
angkan suda besar pada sangka inn aku takut akan-d-aku.
Maka jawab ku jangankan saya ini jikalan menjeddi raja pun
sikali pun kalan ada barang apu kn-salaban saya bulih juga
bapa boat apa suka. Maka apa bila de dingar itu maka."
Notk. — The above is written as the language is actually spoken, and
independent of the influance of Arabic orthography.
III.
MALAY SPELLING.
Specimen of tbe first lines of the above as spelt in Malay,
the equivalents of the Jawi letters being given in Roman : —
Dbauh pntu ait ad suat batu als pntu ait. Mk adalh kera
kera tujh dlapn pulh rngit. Mk smoa-nia aorng aorng aifc
mndirikn pntu ait srt trdiri mk dtmpr aulh Tuan Mlin pntu
ait srt brtrik-nia nma-nia.
Note. — The above specimen will show that this system of orthography
is a species of shorthand, there being no vowel marks, as in its basis,
viz. the Arabic.
IV.
EXTRACTS FROM TEE KORAN.
In order that the reader may more thoroughly understand
our autobiographer's position, as well as the motives that
would prompt him, I have made short extracts from the
Koran, showing its leading principles ; and it is to be remem-
bered that, in early youth, these were strictly inculcated in
him by his parents and native preceptors. They were thus
842 HAEAYIT ABDULLA.
engrained in his nature. While both Christianity and Islamism
are offshoots of a common Theocracy, viz. Judaism, they,
in essentials, are the antitheses of each other. Thus the
sentiments of the Koran appear as a reaction against image
worship — from which, almost alone, Protestants abstain —
also against Trinitarianism, monogamy, the doctrine of the
Atonement, the divine essence of man, etc., etc. Arguments
against these principles are constantly recurring in the
Koran. The doctrines practically suit themselves to the
habits and tendencies of tropical peoples, more particularly
£u the commerce of the sexes, the coercion of the weaker
of both sexes for food and clothing alone ; while, as a coun-
terpoise, prohibitions are placed on the indulgencies of the
palate, such as the use of wine and certain meats. And
as to these indulgencies a tropical people are not addicted»
they are not a barrier to the extension of the faith. As is
well known to our missionaries — and it is a fact which has
been publicly acknowledged — the innate constitutional ten-
dencies and weaknesses of tropical peoples form the great
obstacles to the success of European Christian missions,
whose doctrines and practices are irreconcilably averse to
them.*
To the Koran, also, as a book, certain occult virtues are
ascribed which have great attraction to people given to
fetishism. It thus forms a strong bond as a mysterious
common standard. A large portion of it is derived from the
Old Testament, as well as from legends connected with
Judaism.
Extracts from the Koran (as translated by Sale).
1. Earth as a plain. O men, serve the Lord, who hath
spread the earth as a bed for you. Chap. ii.
2. The transgression of Adam and Eve. But approach not
this tree, lest ye become of the number of transgressors. But
Satan caused them to forfeit Paradise. Chap. ii.
* Ethiopian Christianity is a phase that adapts itself to the tropical
nature of man.
EXTRACTS FROM THE KORAN. 343
3. Passage of the lied Sea. And when wc divided the
sea for you and delivered you, and drowned Pharaoh's peoplo
while ye looked on. Chap. ii.
4. Miracle of the rock. And when Moses asked drink for
his people, wc said, Strike the rock with thy rod ; and there
gushed thereout twelve fountains. Chap. ii.
5. Belief in prophets. Wc believe in Abraham the orthodox,
Ismail, Isaac, Jacob, and Jesus. Chap. ii.
G. Law of retaliation altered. This is indulgence from your
Lord and mercy. And he who shall transgress after this, by
killing the murderer, shall suffer a grievous punishment.
Chap. ii.
7. Fast ordained. A certain number of days shall ye fast.
Chap. ii.
8. Ramadan. The month of Ramadan shall ye fast.
Chap. ii.
9. Superiority of men over women. But the men ought to
have a superiority over them. Chap. ii.
10. Divorce. But when ye divorce women, and they have
fulfilled their prescribed time, etc. Chap. ii.
11. Usury. They who devour usury shall not arise from
the dead. Chap. ii.
12. Unity of G )d (constantly repeated). There is no God
but God, the living, the self-subsisting. Chap. iii.
13. Nature of the Koran. Some verses clear to be under-
stood ; they are the foundation of the book, and others are
parabolical. Chap. iii.
14. Bay of judgment. O Lord, Thou shalt surely gather
mankind together unto a day of resurrection. Chap. iii.
15. Rewards of the devout. Gardens through which rivers
flow ; therein shall they continue for ever, and they shall
enjoy rivers free from impurity. Chap. iii.
16. The W>rd born of Miry. 0 Mary, verily God sendeth
thee good tidings: that thou shalt bear the Word proceeding
from Himself. His name shall be Jesus Christ, the son of
Mary, honourable in this world and in the world to come, and
one of those who approach near to the presence of God.
Chap. iii.
S44 HAKAYTT ABDULLA.
17. Unbelievers perish. And in the next life they shall
be of those that perish. Chap. iii.
18. Mahomed. Mahomed is no more than an apostle; the
other apostles have already died before him. Chap. iii.
19. Wife created out of man. O men, fear your Lord, Who
has created you out of one man, and out of him created his
wife. Chap. iv.
20. Restriction of wives. Take in marriage of such other
women as you please — two, or three, or four, but not more.
Chap. iv.
21. Estates of orphans. Surely, they that devour the
possessions of orphans unjustly shall swallow down nothing
but fire into their bellies, and shall broil in raging flames.
Chap. iv.
22. Female adulterers. Imprison them in separate apart-
ments until death release them. Chap. iv.
23. Suicides. Neither slay yourselves, for God is merciful
to you. Chap. iv.
24. Reivard to tlwse that die in battle. Whether he be slain
or be victorious, we will surely give him a great reward.
Chap. iv.
25. Jesus not crucified. And have said, Verily, we have
slain Jesus Christ, the son of Mary, the Apostle of God. Yet
they slew Him not, neither crucified Him, but He was repre-
sented by one in His likeness. Chap. iv.
26. Certain flesh forbidden. Ye are forbidden to eat that
which dieth of itself, and blood, and swine's flesh, etc.
Chap. v.
27. God's sons. The Jews and the Christians say,' We
are the children of God, and His beloved. Answer : Why,
therefore, does He punish you for your sins ? Chap. v.
28. Punishment for stealing. If a man or woman steal,
cut off their hands. Chap. v.
29. Punishment by God's pleasure. He punisheth whom He
pleaseth, and He pardoneth whom He pleaseth ; for God is
almighty. Chap. v.
30. Metempsychosis. He whom God hath cursed, and with
EXTRACTS FROM THE KORAN. 845
whom He hath been angry, having changed some into apes
and swine. Chap. v.
31. Jews and Christians one. O true believers, take not
the Jews or Christians for your friends ; they are friends the
one to the other. Chap. v.
32. Judgment day. Whoever of them believe in God and
the last day, and doth that which is right, etc. Chap. v.
33. Idolatry, etc. 0, true believers, surely wine, and lots,
and images, and divining arrows, are an abomination, the
work of Satan ; therefore avoid them, that ye may prosper.
Chap. v.
34. Personification of Satan. Satan seekcth to sow dissen-
sion and hatred among you. Chap. v.
35. Omniscience of God. God is omniscient. Chap. v.
36. Christ's miracles. Didst make the figure of a bird
of clay, and didst breathe thereon, and it became a bird, by
My (God's) permission ; and Thou didst heal one blind from
his birth, and the leper, by My (God's) permission, etc.
Chap. v.
37. Punishment for disbelief. I ask therefore punishment
due unto you, for that ye have disbelieved. Chap. vi.
38. Leaf cannot fall. There falleth no leaf but He knoweth.
Chap. vi.
39. Boiling water for unbelievers. Shall have boiling water
to drink, and shall suffer a grievous punishment because they
have disbelieved. Chap. vi.
40. Prophets given. And we gave unto them Isaac and
Jacob. We directed them both, and Noah had we before
directed, and of his posterity, David and Solomon, and Job
and Joseph, and Moses and Aaron. Thus do we reward the
righteous. And Zacharias and John, and Jesus and Elias,
all of them were upright men ; and Ismail and Elisha, and
Jonas and Lot. Chap. vi.
41. God no sons and daughters. And they falsely attributed
to Him sons and daughters without knowledge. Chap. vi.
42. Plurality of devils. But the devils will suggest unto
their friends. Chap. vi.
846 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
43. Genii. 0 company of genii, ye have been mnch con-
cerned with mankind. Chap. vi.
44. Sin of Sodom. Do ye commit a wickedness wherein no
creature hath sot you an example ? Do ye approach lustfully
unto men, leaving the women ? Chap. vii.
45. Golden calf. And the people of Moses took a cor-
poreal calf, made of their ornaments, which lowed. Chap. vii.
46. Ezra, Son of God. The Jews say, Ezra is the Son of
God ; and the Christians say, Christ is the Son of God.
Chap. ix.
47. Creation in six days. Verily, your Lord is God, Who
hath created the heavens and the eai'th in six days. Chap. x.
48. Worship not idols. Verily, I worship not idols, which
ye worship besides God. Chap. x.
49. Sarah laughed. Sarah was standing by, and she
laughed. Chap. xi.
50. Exoneration of Joseph. And when her husband saw
that his garment was torn behind, he said (to his wife), This
is a cunning contrivance of your sex ; for surely your cunning
is great. Chap. xii.
51. Benjamin's sack. He put his cap in his brother
Benjamin's sack. Chap. xii.
52. The Koran. The Koran is not a new invented fiction,
but a confirmation of those Scriptures which have been
revealed before it. Chap. xii.
53. No companions of God. They attribute companions
to God. Chap. xiii.
54. Every age. Every age hath its book of revelation.
Chap. xiii.
55. Adam. Verily, I am about to create a man of dried
clay, of black mud wrought into shape. When, therefore, I
shall have completely formed him, and shall have breathed of
My spirit into him, do ye fall down to worship him. Chap, xv,
56. Adam worshipped. And all the angels worshipped
Adam together, except Eblis (the devil), who refused.
Chap. xv.
EXTRACTS FROM THE KORAN. 347
57. Fate. The fate of every man we have bonnd abont
his neck, and we will produce unto him, on the day of
resurrection, a book in which all his actions are recorded.
Chap. xvii.
58. Seven heavens. The seven heavens praise Him. Chap.
xvii.
59. Good works. But good works, which are permanent,
are better in the sight of thy Lord. Chap, xviii.
60. The immaculate conception. She said, How shall I
have a son, seeing a man hath not touched me, and I am no
harlot? Gabriel replied, So shall it be. Thy Lord saith,
This is easy with Me. Chap. xix.
61. Schisms. But the Jews and Christians have made
schisms. Chap. xxi.
62. Prayers and alms. Wherefore be ye constant at
prayers and give alms. Chap. xxii.
63. Of captive women. Who keep themselves from carnal
knowledge of any woman except their wives, or the captives
which their right hands possess. [A great incitement to piracy
in the tropics. — Ed.~\ Chap, xxiii.
64. Veils. Let them throw veils over their bosoms.
Chap. xxiv.
65. Slaves. And unto such of your slaves as desire a
written instrument, allowing them to redeem themselves on
paying a certain sum, write one. Chap. xxiv.
66. The merciful God. Adore the merciful. Chap. xxv.
67. The tormenting God. 0 Lord, avert from ns the
torment of hell, for the torment thereof is perpetual. Chap,
xxvi. [The two opposite attributes making a living faith. —
Ed.]
68. Uprightness. Give just weight, and be not defrauders,
and weigh with an equal balance. Chap. xxvi.
69. Law of the bed-chamber. Thou mayest postpone the
turn of such of thy wives as thou shalt please in being called
to thy bed, and thou mayest take unto thee her whom thou
shalt please, and her whom thou shalt desire of those whom
348 HAKAYIT ABDULLA.
thou shalt have before rejected, and it shall be no crime in
thee. Chap, xxxiii.
70. Predestination. The same is written in the book of
God's decrees. Chap. xxxv.
71. Apostles of Jesus. The city of Antioch, when the
apostles of Jesus came thereto. Chap, xxxvi.
72. Paradise of believers. As for the sincere servants of
God, they shall have a certain provision in Paradise, viz.
delicious fruits. And they shall be honoured ; they shall be
placed in gardens of pleasure, leaning on couches, &c. ; and
near them shall lie the virgins of Paradise, refraining their
looks from beholding any besides their spouses, having large
black eyes, and resembling the eggs of an ostrich. Chap,
xxxvii.
73. Shipwreck for sins. Or he destroyeth them by ship-
wreck, because of that which their crews have merited.
Chap. xlii.
74. Koran the sole law. The perspicuous book of the
Koran, wherein is distinctly set down the decree of every
determined thing as a command from us. Chap. xliv.
75. Terrible execrations. As the dregs of oil shall it boil
in the bellies of the damned, like the boiling of the hottest
water. Chap. xliv.
76. Sensual promises. Therein shall be agreeable and
beauteous damsels. Chap. lv.
77. Female premature decay. As to those among you
who divorce their wives by declaring that thereafter they
will regard them as their mothers. Chap, lviii.
78. Christ said to foretell the coming of Mahomed. And
when Jesus the Son of Mary said, 0 children of Israel,
verily I am the Apostle of God sent unto you, confirming the
law which was delivered before Me, bringing good tidings of
an apostle who shall come after Me, and whose name shall
be Ahmed (Mahomed). [Both names are the same. Mahome-
dan doctors hold that the Paraclete was Mahomed. — Ed.~\
Chap. lxi.
EXTRACT8 FROM THE KORAN. 349
79. Heavens and earths. It is God who created the seven
heavens, and as many different stories of the earth. Chap. lxv.
80. Curse of mankind. Verily, we created him of the
most excellent fabric ; afterwards we rendered him the
vilest of the vile, except those who believe. Chap. xcv.
THE END.
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IO
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Forthcoming Volumes.
Moris. VAN BENEDEN.
On Parasites in the Animal Kingdom.
Prof. W. KINGDOM CLIFFORD, M.A.
The First Principles of the Exact Sciences ex-
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W. LADDER LINDSAY, M.D., F.R.S.E.
Mind in the Lower Animals.
Sir JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., F.R.S.
The Antiquity of Man.
Prof W. T. THISELTON DYER, B.A.,
B.SC.
Form and Habit in Flowering Plants.
Mr. J. N. LOCKYER, F.R.S.
Spectrum Analysis : some of its recent results.
Prof. MICHAEL FOSTER, M.D.
Protoplasm and the Cell Theory.
Prof. W. STANLEY JEVONS.
Money: and the Mechanism of Exchange.
H. CHARLTON BASTIAN, M.D..F.RS.
The Brain as an Organ of Mind.
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Earth Sculpture : Hills.Valleys, Mountains, Plains,
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how they have been Destroyed.
Prof. RUDOLPH VIRCHOW(BerlinUniv.)
Morbid Physiological Action.
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: How authors, and it suffers nothing in the hand:
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THE OPERATIONS OF THE BAVARIAN ARMY CORPS.
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THE OPERATIONS OF THE SOUTH ARMY IN JANUARY
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STUDIES IN THE NEW INFANTRY TACTICS 1Part1sTL &,IL
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utility. In its pages will he found plain instructions i now the chief duties dragoons in peace should be
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PRETTY LESSONS IN VERSE FOR GOOD CHILDREN,
with some Lessons in Latin, in Easy Rhyme. By Sara Coleridge. A New Edition.
With Six Illustrations. Cloth, 3*. tW.
AUNT MARY'S BRAN PIE. By the Author of " St. Olive's," "When I
was a Little Girl," &c. Small crown Svo. With Five Illustrations. 3*- O"'-
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SEEKING HIS FORTUNE, AND OTHER STORIES. Crown Svo.
With Four Illustrations. Price 35. 6d.
CoNTENTS.-Seeking his Fortune.-Oluf and Stephanoff. -What's in a Name?-
Contrast.— Onesta.
"These are plain, straightforward stories, told I We can answer for it lint this volume will find
in ,v,J nr.-.is?- detailed manner which we arc favour with those fur whom It is written, and that
sVe «i^ r^pteHkee--V?r"S«-: , I theaters will like it quite a, well a, the b. -
"They are romantic, entertaining, .and tie — / . ■aitm.
dedly inculcate a sound and generous moral. ... I
THREE WORKS BY MARTHA FARQUHARSON.
I Elsie Dinsmoke. Cr. Svo. Price 3*. 6d. I III. Elsie's Holidays at Roselands.
II. Elsie's Girlhood. Cr. 8vo. Price 3s. 6d. | Crown Svo. Price 3^. W.
Each Storv is independent and complete in itself. ,
They are published in uniform size and price, and are elegantly bound and illustrated.
••We do not pretend to have read the history I "Elsie Dinsmore is a '"'"^^""S.J?.* *2ttv
of Elsie as she is portrayed in three different of you-..' readers In the above th «<?'«'>
volumes By the help, however, of the illu.tra- volumesTier story is complete, and it is one full of
tions. and by dips here and there, we can safely youthful experiences, winning a general interest.
give a favourable account." — Westminster Review . \ —Athenanm.
THE LITTLE WONDER-HORN. By Jean Ingelow. A Second
Series of " Stories told to a Child:' With Fifteen Illustrations. Cloth, gilt. Price y. 6d.
■ ■ We like all the contents of the • Little Wonder- I " Full of fresh and vigorous fancy : it is »°rthy
Horn- very mud, ••-Athe-umm. of the author of some of the best of our modern
" We recommend it with confidence."— Fall j verse. —Standard.
Mall Gazette.
Second Edition.
THE AFRICAN CRUISER. A Midshipman's Adventures on the West
Coast of Africa. A Book for Fovs. P.v S. Whitchurch Sadler, R.N. , Author
of "Marshall Vavasour." With Three Illustrations. Crown 8vo. Price 3s. t>d.
••A capital ston- of youthful adventure Sea- 1 "Sea yarns have always been in favour with
loving boys « ill find few pleasanter gift books this boys, but this, written in a brisk style by a thorough
season than ' The African Cruiser.' *—Hcur. I sailor, is crammed full of adventures. — Times.
Third Edition.
BRAVE MEN'S FOOTSTEPS. A Book of Example and Anecdote f< r
Young People. By the Editor of "Men who have Risen." With Four Illus-
trations, by C. Doyle. Crown 8vo. Price 3*. 6d.
••A readable and instructive volume.'— Exa- t win the favour of those »ho. in choosing a gift for
„::r.,r. a boy. would consult his moral development us
"The little volume is precisely of the stamp to ' well as his temporary pleasure."— Daily 'Tilegra/k.
65, Cor? thill ; cn 12, Paternoster Row, London.
iS 1 1 'oris Published by Henry S. King &* Co.,
Books for the Young and for Lending Libraries — continued.
Second Edition.
PLUCKY FELLOWS. A Book for Boys. By Stephen J. Mac Kenna.
With Six Illustrations. Crown Svo. Price 3s. 6d.
" This is one of the very best ' Book.-, for Boys 'I "A thorough book for boys . . . written through-
which have been issued tliis year.' — Morning out in a manly, straightforward manner that is sure
Ach. trtiser. \ to w in the hearts of the children."— London Society.
Second Edition.
GUTTA-PERCHA WILLIE, THE WORKING GENIUS. By
George MacDonald. With 9 Illustrations by Arthur Hughes. Cr. 8vo. 3*. 6^.
" The cleverest child we know assures ns she has 1 will, we are convinced, accept that verdict upon
read this story through five times. Mr. Macdonald | his little work as final."— Spectator.
THE TRAVELLING MENAGERIE. By Charles Camden, Author
of " Hoity Toity." With Ten Illustrations by J. Mahoney. Crown 8vo. y. 6d.
"A capital little book .... deserves a wide I " A very attractive story."— Public Opinion.
circulation among our boys and girls." — Hour. \
THE DESERT PASTOR, JEAN JAROUSSEAU. Translated from
the French of Eugene Pelletan. By Colonel E. P. De L'Hoste. In fcap.
8vo, with an Engraved Frontispiece. New Edition. Price 3s. Cd.
"A touching record of the struggles in the cause | pure love, and the spectacle of a household brought
of religious liberty of a real man." — Graphic. up in the fear of the Lord . . . ." — Illustrated
" There is a poetical simplicity and picturesque* London News.
ness; the noblest heroism ; unpretentious religion ; I
THE DESERTED SHIP. A Real Story of the Atlantic. By Cupples
Howe, Master Mariner. Illustrated by Townley Green. Cr. Svo. Pi ice 3s. 6d.
" Curious adventures with bears, seals, and other I the story deals, and will much interest beys who
Arctic animals, and with scarcely more human have a spice of romance in their composition."—
Esquimaux, form the mass of material with which | Couranl.
HOITY TOITY, THE GOOD LITTLE FELLOW. By Charles
Camden. With Eleven Illustrations. Crown 8vo. Price y. Cd.
' ' Relates very pleasantly the history of a charm- I thein to do right. There are many shrewd lessons
ing little fellow who meddles always with a kindly I to be picked up in this clever little story."— Public
disposition with other people's affairs and hcips | Opinion.
THE BOY SLAVE IN BOKHARA. A Tale of Central Asia. By
David Ker, Author of "On the Road to Khiva," &c. Crown 8vo, with
Fuur Illustrations. Price 55.
SEVEN AUTUMN LEAVES FROM FAIRY-LAND. Illustrated
with Nine Etchings. Square crown 8vo. $s.
SLAVONIC FAIRY TALES. From Russian, Servian, Polish, and
Bohemian Sources. Translated by John T. Naak6, of the British Museum. Crown
8vo. With Four Illustrations. Price 5.5.
" A most choice and charming selection and thirteen Servian, in Mr. NaakfTs modest but
The tales have an original national ring in them, serviceable collection of Slavonic Fairy Tales.
and will be pleasant reading to thousands besides Its contents are, as a general rule, well chosen.
ren Vet children will eagerly open the
pages, and not willingly close them, of the pretty
volume." — Standard.
"English readers now have an opportunity of
becoming acquainted with eleven Polish and eight out in its preface."— Acadc
Bohemian stories, as well as wilh eight R
are translated with a fidelity which
deserves cortlial praise . . . Before taking leave
of his prettily got up volume, we oujjdit to mention
that its contents fully come up to the promise held
WAKING AND WORKING; OR, FROM GIRLHOOD TO
WOMANHOOD, by Mrs. G. S. Reaney. Cr. Svo. With a Frontispiece. 5...
65, Comhill ; 6-» 12, Paternoster Row, London.
Works Published by Henry S. Kins; 6- Co., 19
Books for the Voung and i-uk Landing Libraries— continued.
AT SCHOOL WITH AN OLD DRAGOON. By Stephen J.
Mac Kenna. Cruun 8vo. With Six Illustrations. Price $s.
"Consisting almost entirely Of Startling Stories of " Mr. Mac Kcnna's former work.' Plucky Fellows.'
military adventure ' sum- is already a g< ,''!«
CienUy excitmg readuig."— 7V>««. the stone, of the Old Ur.^-.,on will find that he has
"These yarns give some very spirited and in- , still plenty of materials at hand for pleasant tales,
ting descriptions of soldiering in various [arts and has lost none of his power in telling them well.
ol the world."— Spectn I —Standard.
FANTASTIC STORIES. Translated from the German of Richard
Leander, by Paulina B. Granville. Crown 8vo. With Eight full-page IUustra-
ti 111 , by M. E. Fraser-Tytler. Price 5*.
"Short, quaint and, as they arc fitly called, fan- I "' Fantastic ' is certainly the right epithet to
tastic they deal willi .Jl manner of subjects.'— apply to some of these strange talcs. —Examiner.
Guardian. I
Third Edition.
STORIES IN PRECIOUS STONES. By Helen Zimmern. With
Six Illustrations. Crown 8vo. Price 5s.
sons will appreciate, and which will remind its
readers of many a legend, and many an imaginary
virtue attached to the gems they are so fond of
wearing." — Post.
" A series of prctt) talcs which are half fantastic,
halfnatur :it, as befits stories
intended fori v Telegraph.
"A prcttj littl fanciful young per-
Fourth Edition.
THE GREAT DUTCH ADMIRALS. By Jacob de Liefde. Crown
Svo. With Eleven Illustrations by Townley Green and others. Price 5*.
•• M.iy be recommended as a wholesome present | "A really good book."— Standard.
for buys. They will find in it numerous tales of " A really excellent book."— Spectator.
aVaxc."—Atlunaum. I
THE TASMANIA N LILY. By James Bonwick. Crown 8vo.
With Frontispiece. Price $s.
" An interesting and useful work."— Hour. I ceived, and are full of those touches which give
•■ rhe characters of the story are capitally con- | them a natural appearance."— Public Opinion.
MIKE HOWE, THE BUSHRANGER OF VAN DIEMEN'S
LAND. By James Bonwick. Crown Svo. With a Frontispiece. Price 5s.
" He illustrates the career of the bushranger half 1 are. to say the least, exquisite, and his representa-
a Cl . : this he docs in a highly credit- tions of character are very marked.' —kd-.tiburgh
manner; his delineations of life in the bush I Courant.
PHANTASMION. A Fairy Romance. By Sara Coleridge. With an
Introductory Preface by the Right Hon. Lord Coleridge of Ottery S.
Mary. A new Edition. In 1 vol. Crown 8vo. Price 7s. td.
■■ 11 n iid< 1 • "f this fairy tale will find them- read it were it twice the length, closing the book
ing for a time in a veritable region of with a feeling of regTet that the repast was at.an
e, breathing an atmosphere of unreality, end." — Vamhr Fair.
and surrounded b) supernatural beings."— Past. " A beautiful conception of a rarely -gifted mind.
■• 1 bis delightful work . . . We would gladly have —Examiner.
LAYS OF A KNIGHT-ERRANT IN MANY LANDS. ByMajor-
General Sir Vincent Eyre, C.B., K.C.S.I., &c. Square crown Svo. With
Six Illustrations. Price ys. 6d.
Pharaoh Land. | Home Land. | Wonder Land. | Rkine Land.
" A collection of pleasant and well-written | " The conceits here and there are really very
stanzas . . . abounding in real fun and humour." amusing. '—Standard.
—ISterary World,
BEATRICE AYLMER AND OTHER TALES. By Mary M. Howard,
Author of " Brampton Rectory." 1 vol. Crown 8vo. Price 6s.
"These laics possess considerable merit."—1 "A neat and chatty little volume."— Hour.
Court Journal. I
65, Cornhill i c- 12, Paternoster Row, London.
20 J J oris Published by Henry S. King &• Co.,
WORKS BY ALFRED TENNYSON.
THE CABINET EDITION.
Messrs. Henry S. King & Co. have the pleasure to announce that
they are issuing an Edition of the Laureate's works, in Ten Monthly
Volumes, foolscap 8vo, at Half-a-Crown each, entitled "The Cabinet
Edition,'' which will contain the whole of Mr. Tennyson's works.
The first volume is illustrated by a beautiful Photographic Portrait ;
and the other volumes are each to contain a Frontispiece. They are
tastefully bound in Crimson Cloth, and are to be issued in the
following order : —
Vol. Vol
1. EARLY POEMS. i 6. IDYLLS OF THE KING.
2. ENGLISH IDYLLS & OTHER POEMS. ; 7. IDYLLS OF THE KING.
3. LOCKSLEY HALL & OTHER POEMS. I 8. THE PRINCESS.'
4. LUCRETIUS & OTHER POEMS. 9. MATJD AND ENOCH ARDEN.
5. IDYLLS OF THE KING. ! 10. LN MEMORIAM.
Volumes I. to VII. are now ready.
Subscribers' names received by all Booksellers.
Reduction in prices oj Mr, Tennyson'1 's Works: —
PRICE.
j. d.
POEMS. Small 8vo 6 0
MAUD AND OTHER POEMS. Small 8vo 3 6
THE PRINCESS. Small 8vo 3 6
IDYLLS OF THE KING. Small 8vo s o
i) ,, Collected. Small 8vo 7 o
THE HOLY GRAIL, AND OTHER POEMS. Small 8vo .46
GARETH AND LYNETTE. Small 8vo 3 0
ENOCH ARDEN, &c. Small 8vo '36
IN MEMORIAM. Small 8vo .'40
SELECTIONS FROM THE ABOVE WORKS. Square 8vo, cloth . . '. 3 e
" >• » cloth, gilt edges . . . .40
SONGS FROM THE ABOVE WORKS. Square 8vo, cloth 36
LIBRARY EDITION OF MR. TENNYSON'S WORKS. 6 vols. Post 8vo, each 10 6
POCKET VOLUME EDITION OF MR. TENNYSON'S WORKS. 11 vols., in
neat case -?i6
1, extra cloth, gilt, in case 35 o
POEMS. Illustrated Edition, 4to 25 o
All the aboi>e are kept in leather bindings.
* *
65, Cornhill ; & 12, Paternoster Row, London.
Works Published by Henry S. King 6^ Co.,
21
POETRY.
FOUR ELEGANT POETICAL GIFT BOOKS:
LYRICS OF LOVE, From Shakspeare to Tennyson. Selected and arranged
by W. Davenport Adams, Junr. Fcap. 8vo, cloth extra, gilt edges, ys. 6d. 4 1
" A most excellent collection. . . . Shows taste | as a whole, is very choice."— British Quarterly
and care." — Westminster Gazette. \ Review.
"A charming and scholarly pocket volume of I " The anthology is a very' full and good one. an I
poetry . . . The editor annotates his pieces just represents the roLuit school of Carew and Suckling
sufficiently for information. . . . The collection, | better than any other that we know." — Academy.
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANTS POEMS. Red-line Edition. Hand-
somely bound. With Illustrations and Portrait of the Author. Price -js. id.
A Cheaper Edition, with Frontispiece, is also published. Price js. 6d.
These are the only complete English Editions sanctioned by the Author.
" Of all the poets of the United States there is no Won."— Academy.
one who obtained the fame and position of a classic " Wc are glad to possess so neat and elegant an
earlier, or has kept them longer, than William edition of the works of the most thoughtful, grace-
Cullcn Bryant ... A singularly simple and straight- ful, and Wordsworthian of American poets.-" —
forward lashion of verse. Very rarely has any British Quarterly Review.
writer preserved such an even level of merit , "Some of the purest and tenderest poetry of this
throughout his poems. Like some other American ' generation . . . Undoubtedly the best edition of the
poets, Mr. Bryant is particularly happy in transla- 1 poet now in existence." — Glasgow News.
ENGLISH SONNETS. Collected and Arranged by John Dennis.
Fcap. 8vo. Elegantly bound. Price 3*. 6d.
" Mr. Dennis has shown great judgment in this
selection." — Saturday Review.
"An exquisite selection, a selection which even'
lover of poetry will consult again and again with
delight. The notes arc very useful. . . The volume
is one for which English literature owes Mr. Dennis
the heartiest thanks." — Spectator.
Second Edition.
HOME-SONGS FOR QUIET HOURS. Edited by the Rev. Canon
R. H. Baylies, Editor of " Lyra Anglicana," &c. Fcap 8vo. Cloth extra, 3*. 6d.
" A tasteful collection of devotional poetry of a
very high standard of excellence. The pieces are
short, mostly original, and instinct, for the most
part, with the most ardent spirit of devotion." —
Standard.
"A most acceptable volume of sacred poetry; a
good addition to the gift books of the season."—
Rod.
" These are poems in which every word has a
meaning, and from which it would be unjust to
remove a stanza . . . Some of the best pieces in
the book are anonymous.' — Pall Mall Gazette.
V* The above four books may also be had handsomely bound in
Morocco with gilt edges.
THE DISCIPLES. A New Poem. By Mrs. Hamilton King. Second
Edition, with some Notes. Crown 8vo. Price -js. 6d.
" A higher impression of the imaginative power could scarcely deny to ' Ugo Bassi' the praise of
of the writer is given by the objective truthfulness [ being a work worthy in every way to live . . . The
of the glimpses she gives us of her master, help- style of her writing is pure and simple in the last
ing us to understand how he could be regarded ' degree, and all is natural, truthful, and free from
by some as a heartless charlatan, by others as an | the slightest shade of obscurity in thought or die-
inspired saint." — Academy. 1 tion . . . The book altogether is one that merits
"Mrs. King can write good verses. The de- ' unqualified admiration and praise." — Daily Tele-
scription of the capture of the Croats at Mestre is graph.
extremely spirited ; there is a pretty picture of the ' " Throughout it breathes restrained passion and
road to Koine, from the Abruzzi, and another of lofty sentiment, which flow out now and then as a
Palermo."— Athenizum. stream widening to bless the lands into powerful
"In her new volume Mrs King has far surpassed music." — British Quarterly Review.
her previous attempt. Even the most hostile critic
ASPROMONTE, AND OTHER POEMS. By the same Author. Second
Edition. Cloth, 4J. 6d.
"The volume is anonymous, but there is n-> reason 1 'The Execution of Felice Orsiui,' has much poetic
for the author to be ashamed of it. The 'Poem, merit, the event celebrated being told with dra-
of Italy' are evidently inspired by genuine enthu- malic force." — Athrnaum.
siasui m the cause espoused; and one of them, I "The verse is fluent and free." — Spectator.
ARVAN : or, the Story of the Sword. A Poem. By Herbert Todd.Jff.A.,
late of Trinity College, Cambridge. Crown 8vo.
65, Cornhill ; cv 12, Paternoster Po~u>, London.
Works Published by Henry S. King &* Co.,
Poetry — continued.
THROUGH STORM AND SUNSHINE.
By Adon, Author of "Lays of Modern
Oxford." With Illustrations by H. Pater-
son, M. E. Edwards, A. T., and the
Author.
SONGS FOR MUSIC. By Four Friends.
Square crown Svo. Price 5-J.
CONTAINING SONGS BY
Reginald A. Gatty. Stephen H. Gatty.
Greville J. Chester. Juliana H. Ewing.
" A charming gift-book, which will be very
popular with lovers of poetry."— John Bull.
•' The charm of simplicity is manifest through-
out, and the subjects are well chosen and suc-
cessfully treated. ' — Rock.
ROBERT BUCHANAN'S POETICAL
WORKS. Collected Edition, in 3 Vols.,
price lis. Vol. I. contains, — "Ballads
and Romances;" "Ballads and Poems
of Life," and a Portrait of the Author.
Vol. II. — " Ballads and Poems of Life ;"
"Allegories and Sonnets."
Vol.III.— "Coruiskeen Sonnets;" "Book
of Orm :" "Political Mystics."
" Holding, as Mr. Buchanan does, such a con-
spicuous place amongst modern writers, the read-
ing public will be duly thankful for this handsome
edition of the poet's works.' — Civil Service
Gazette.
" Taking the poems before us as experiments,
we hold that thev are very full of promise ... In
the romantic ballad, Mr. Buchanan shows real
power." — Hour.
THOUGHTS IN VERSE. Small crown
Svo. Price is. 6ci.
This is a Collection of Verses expressive
of religious feeling, written from a Theistic
stand-point.
"All who are interested in devotional verse
should read this tiny volume." — Academy.
ON THE NORTH WIND— THISTLE-
DOWN. A volume of Poems. By the
Hon. Mr3. Willoughby. Elegantly
bound. Small crown 8vo. 75. 6d.
PENELOPE AND OTHER POEMS.
By Allison Hughes. Fcap. 8vo. 45. 6d.
"Full of promise. They possess both form
and colour, they are not wanting in suggestion,
and they reveal something not far removed from
imagination. ... If the verse moves stiffly it is
because the substance is rich and carefuMy
wrought. That artistic regard for the value of
words, which is characteristic of the best modern
workmanship, is apparent in every composition,
and the ornament, even when it might be pro-
nounced excessive, is tasteful in arrangement. " —
Athenceum.
COSMOS. A Poem. 8vo. 3s. 6ct.
SUBJECT.— Nature in the Past and in the Pre-
sent.—Man in the Past and in the Present. — The
Future.
POEMS. By Augustus Taylor. Fcp.8vo. 5*.
NARCISSUS AND OTHER POEMS.
By E. Carpenter. Fcap. 8vo. 5s.
" In many of these poems there is a force of
fancy, a grandeur of imagination, and a power of
poetical utterar.ee not by any means common in
these days."— Standard.
AURORA; A Volume of Verse. Fcap. 8vo. 5s.
POEMS. By Annette F. C. Knight. Fcap.
Svo. Cloth. Price 5s.
" . . . . Very fine also is the poem entitled ' Past
and Present,' from which we take the song pic-
turing the 'Spirits of the Present.' The verses here
are so simple in form as almost to veil the real
beauty and depth of the image ; yet it would not
be easy to find a more exquisite picture in poetry
or on canvas of the spirit of the age."— Scotsman.
" These poems are musical to read, they give
true and pleasant pictures of common things, and
they tell sweetly of the deeper moral and religious
harmonies which sustain us under the discords and
the griefs of actual life."— Spectator.
"Full of tender and felicitous verse ... ex-
pressed with a rare artistic perfection. . . . The
gems of the book to our mind are the poems
entitled ' In a Town Garden."'— Literary Church-
A TALE OF THE SEA, SONNETS,
AND OTHER POEMS. By James
Howell. Fcap. 8vo. Cloth, 5*.
" Mr. Howell has a keen perception of the
beauties of nature, and a just appreciation of the
charities of life. . . . Mr. Howell's book deserves,
and will probably receive, a warm reception."—
Pall Malt Gazette.
METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM
THE GREEK AND LATIN POETS,
AND OTHER POEMS. By R. B.
Boswell, M.A. Oxon. Crown 8vo. is.
" Most of these translations we can praise as of
very high merit. . . . For sweetness and regu-
larity, his verses are pre-eminent."— Literary
Churchman. . .
" Mr. Boswell has a strong poetical vein in
his nature, and gives us every promise of success
as an original poet." — Standard.
EASTERN LEGENDS AND STORIES
IN ENGLISH VERSE. By Lieu-
tenant Norton Powlett, Royal Artillery.
Crown 8vo. 5*.
"There is a rollicking sense of fun about the
stories, joined to marvellous power of rhyming,
and plenty of swing, which irresistibly reminds us
of our old favourite (Ingoldsby)."— Graphic.
Second Edition.
VIGNETTES IN RHYME AND VERS
DE SOCIETE. By Austin Dobson.
Fcap. 8vo. 5.?.
"Clever, clear-cut, and careful."— Athenaitm,
"As a writer of Vers de Societe, Mr. Dobson
is almost, if not quite, unrivalled." — Examiner.
" Lively, innocent, elegant in expression, and
graceful in fancy."— M 'anting Post.
SONGS FOR SAILORS. By Dr. W. C.
Bennett. Dedicated by Special Request
to H. R. H. the Duke of Edinburgh.
Crown 8vo. y;. 6d. With Steel Portrait
and Illustrations.
An Edition in Illustrated pater Covers.
Price is.
WALLED IN, AND OTHER POEMS.
By the Rev. Henry J. Bulkeley. Fcp.
Svo. 5s.
" A remarkable book of genuine poetry. —
Evening- Standard.
"Genuine power displayed." — Examiner.
"Poetical feeling is manifest here, and the
diction ot the poem is unimpeachable. "—Pal!
Mall Gazette.
65, Comhill ; 6- 12, Paternoster Row, London.
Works Published by Henry S. King 6- Co.,
23
I '0 et R Y — continual.
SONGS OF LIFE AND DEATH. By
John Payne, Author of " Intaglios,
" Sonnets," etc. Crown Svo. $s.
" Tlie art of ballad-writing has long been lost
in England, and Mr Payne may claim to be- us
restorer, ll is .1 i. ■:• meet wuh such
a ■ May Margaret ' in the , -
volume."— Westminster Review.
IMITATIONS FROM THE GERMAN
OF SPITTA AND TERSTEGEN.
By Lady Durand. Fcap. 8vo. 4.1.
" A charming little volume. . . Will be a very
valuable assistance to peaceful, meditative souls.
—Church Hi
ON VIOL AND FLUTE. A New Volume
of Poems, by Edmund W. Gosse. With
Frontispiece by W. B. Scott. (Jr. 8vo. 5;.
" A careful perusal of his verses will show that
he is a poet. . . His song has the grateful, mur-
muring sound which reminds one oi the softness
I dcliciousness of summer time. . . . There is
much that is good in the volume." — Spectator.
ZDITH; ok. Love and Life in Cheshire.
By T. Ashe, Author of " The Sorrows of
Hypsipyle," etc. Sewed. Price M.
" A really fine poem, full of tender, subtle
touches of feeling." — Manchester JVeivs.
" Pregnant from beginning to end with the re-
sults of careful observation and imaginative
—Chester Chronicle.
THE INN OF STRANGE MEETINGS,
AND OTHER POEMS. By Mortimer
Collins. Crown 8vo. 5.1.
" Abounding In quiet humour, in bright fancy,
in sweetness and melody of expression, and, at
limes, in the tenderest touches of pathos."—
Oraphit .
" Mr Collins has an undercurrent of chivalry
and romance beneath the trifling vein of good-
humoured banter which is the special character-
istic of his verse." — At/ienaum.
GOETHE'S FAUST. A New Translation in
Rime. By C Kegan Paul. Crown 8vo. 6j.
" His translation is the most minutely accurate
that has yet been produced. . . " — Examiner.
"Mr. Paul is a zealous and a faithful inter-
preter."— Saturday RevieTV.
AN OLD LEGEND OF S. PAUL'S. By
the Rev. G.B.Howard. Fcp. Svo. 3*. 6^.
"We admire, and deservedly admire, the gen-
uine poetry of this charming old legend as here
presented to us by the brilliant imagination anil
the chastened taste of the gifted writer.™— Stan-
SONNETS, LYRICS, AND TRANSLA-
TIONS. By the Rev. Charles Turner.
Cr. Svo. 4J. tit.
"Mr. Turner is a genuine poet; his song is
sweet and pure, beautiful in expression, and otten
subtle in thought."— Pall MaU irazette.
" The light of a devout, gentle, and kindly
spirit, a delicate and graceful fancy, a keen in-
telligence irradiates these thoughts." — Contem-
porary Review.
THE DREAM AND THE DEED, AND
OTHER POEMS. By Patrick Scott,
Author of " Footpaths between Two
Worlds," etc. Fcap. 8vo. Cloth, 5c.
" A bitter and able satire on the vice and follies
of the day, literary, social, and political."— Stan-
dard.
"Shows real poetic power coupled with evi-
dences of satirical energy." — Edinburgh Daily
Re-... ■ . .
EROS AGONISTES. !;>■ E. B. D.
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